Taken without permission, for fair use only.
_______________________________________
Nr. 1671, August 1, 1998
A POLITICAL AND A MILITARIST RATIONALE
By Fehmi AGANI
The first thing you come about and is imposed while you analyze the relation of politics and military, accordingly a political and military or militarist view or rationale, are ties between them. As a way of contemplation on issues, the military rationale is absolutism of force, violence, of the fire power of this or that army. It sees and evaluates problems, and considers resolving them within the category of military force, excluding other elements and other relations.
Serbia, particularly since the Berlin Congress, has also aspired of becoming a significant military force in Balkans, and these aspirations where linked to its hegemonical intentions. Since 1912, the case of Kosova is a case of Serbia's military conquering and presence, of a military approach, and of a forceful settlement sought by Serbia. Same is happening today. actions of Serbian military and police forces in Kosova, as well as violence and brutality as the essential features of the Serbian presence and rule in Kosova, are precisely the most obvious proof of this rationale and mentality.
We all had the opportunity to hear the rationale regarding KLA, its emergence, not only from Serbian rulers, but from broader masses. The issue, goes this mentality, is to cut off the financial assistance and supply lines of the KLA. And then, as Seseljists and their Draskovic's brethren, they say KLA, though in fact they refer to the Albanian population, would have to be hit "with all force", at least in regions where KLA is operating. And this appears to them to be a settlement for the Kosova question!
Of course, this is where political rationale completely abates. They can not see a situation in which all Albanians, in other words the overwhelming majority of the Kosova people, identify with KLA, and will become KLA. No one considers how to overcome the situation, no one considers the political will, the political resolution of the problem.
Today the militarist rationale is basically a failure. Not only because there always are sides stronger then the "mighty one", but also because force, violence, and imposing, as basic features of militarism, inescapably cause respective counteractions, and instead of resolving, block the solving of question.
There is no doubt whatsoever that the latest Serbian operations in Kosova, not only by their features as military operations, but also by means used, by the brutality particularly exerted against the civilian population, and also by their final objective, to create a military superiority of Serbia so Milosevic could dictate from his position of the stronger side, future settlements for Kosova are a product of the militarist rationale and illusion he creates.
Regardless of the outcome of the current fighting
which, from the very first day, appeared in their brutality and repulsive
nature as operations waged against civilian population, it is clear that
current operations will neither suffice to even heal Serbia and its mobs
of soldiers from the wounded sense of pride caused by setbacks in Bosnia
and Croatia, nor to calm Kosova. Serbia's intention to subdue the will
and the determination of Albanians for independence, is even more illusory.
THE WEIGHING MACHINE OF A FORMER DIPLOMAT
WHEN WILL NATO INTERVENE IN KOSOVA
By Besnik MUSTAFAJ, TIRANA
The Kosova question has a long history behind, and I don't belong to the optimistic camp who believe that the settlement is close. But, given the course of events since this Spring, there are grounds for hope that this time we will inescapably head toward the ultimate settlement.
The Kosova question is also very broad, and has finally transcended the Serbian-Albanian framework. Most powerful nations of our times, such as the United States, France, Germany, Russia, etc., have willingly or unwillingly involved in analyzing it. The Kosova question is not regarded anymore as Albanians' national problem, as up to now, which for truths' sake does not bother much the international community. It is clearly a problem that directly affects peace in our region, consequently threatening peace in Europe. Albanians would not want to elevate their relevance before the international community in this way.
In this bunch of factors NATO should, in particular,
be regarded separately. Finally an impression is created that the intervention
of NATO in this conflict is necessary. Albanians have originally had this
impression themselves, and have strongly expressed it since times when
Brussels and Washington considered that war in Kosova could be prevented
simply by not talking about it. Now we have to highlight that others, namely
the decision making bodies, increasingly see the need for a NATO intervention.
NATO will inescapably intervene in Kosova. When and why, and for what reason,
that is yet another matter? Even Bosnia experience suffices to assure us
that the intervention will not be carried very soon. The decision making
procedure is extremely slow. In other words, Albanians should get to their
senses that NATO will come to Kosova only when the number of civilian victims
and soldiers killed reaches the peak of tolerance of the Western community,
when politicians in Europe and in America start facing the risk of their
power being questioned. While, what has begun may have already taken place
in Kosova: the ethnic cleansing. Our politicians in Prishtina and in Tirana
may imagine these components of the scenario. Therefore, there will be
harmful consequences if they to continue to heartily greet every single
routine statement coming from the West concerning the position of NATO.
This is how you can only create a false hope among Albanians who are the
main, if not the only ones, to bear the weight of war on their shoulders.
They should prepare for a long and costly sacrifice. Otherwise, they will
once again be stuck in the middle of the road.
INTERVIEW: JAMIE SHEA, NATO SPOKESMAN
KOSOVA IS AN INTERNATIONAL CRISIS
By Ekrem KRASNIQI, BRUSSELS
Z RI: Until the agreement reached between Yeltsin and Milosevic we have seen the international community using one, let us say threatening, language against Milosevic's regime, but since then there is an impression that its rush, as well as NATO's rush as seemingly stopped for a while. What's the reason for this retraction?
SHEA: I don't think it is true to say that NATO has retracted. Let us look upon Albania or FYROM; we deal a lot with these two neighboring countries. Secretary General, mr Solana, recently stayed in Tirana and Skopje. We will very soon have joint exercises in these two countries; we have increased our assistance for these two countries within the "Partnership for Peace", and NATO will continue to do everything possible to aid Albania and FYRUM in their efforts, in security matters. We are very pleased that the OUN Security Council has extended UNPREDEP's mandate for another six months. If we look on the situation regarding Kosova itself, we continued preparations for our military actions in case of being required to intervene. But, we cannot intervene until there is no clear strategy for the use of military force. We should be aware of the objectives, and how the use of force could contribute toward reaching a peaceful solution. Unfortunately, for the time being, we see that Serbian forces and the KLA seemingly prefer to continue their fighting. But, we hope that both sides will understand that fighting will not solve the problem, and that the solution can be achieved only through talks.
Z RI: There is an impression within the public that the space given by other nations to Russia, or that from the involvement of Russia in the game, it is getting more difficult to dealt with a political decision - to act or not to act, although currently the fighting is on a higher degree then little earlier. Therefore, where is NATO amid these confrontations in the political front of the international community.
SHEA: I would first of all say that we have no disagreements with Russia. We also agree with Russia that the outcome - the result, should be a diplomatic settlement that would lead toward an advanced autonomous status for Kosova, but not independence. It is true that Russia has perhaps been a bit reserved as far as the use of military potentials, but if these potentials have to be used, and if NATO would be called to use them, we would then want to have the support of the Security Council members, in case this has to happen. But, for the time being the diplomacy that was used and is still being used, will produce results, will bring Milosevic and the Kosova Albanians' leadership around the negotiating table. Milosevic is aware that NATO's military options are not a "paper tiger".
Z RI: Can we already say that the international community advocates a position that KLA, given its role and significance on the ground, should have its place in the political process on Kosova, its place in Kosova's political leadership? Mr Solana already shares the opinion that this is a question of the Albanians themselves... While you have stated two months ago that when the time comes, we should establish contacts with KLA, too...
SHEA: It is up to Albanians to chose who will negotiate on their behalf, and who will be involved in the political arena. This is a decision Albanians have to take, not us. But we, of course, would hope that they chose a powerful leader. This way we would not only have an authorized team for negotiations, but also an authority that would implement the results reached in negotiations. We don't want to have an outcome of negotiations that will be impossible to implement, and will not be respected by Kosova Albanians.
Z RI: The Contact Group has earlier urged the withdrawal of Serbian troops, while recently it more frequently speaks of cease-fire. The Serbian regime now tries to create a 5-6 kilometer wide range on the border with Albania, that will require new troops in Kosova. What is NATO's reaction as far as the swelling of the number of Serbian troops, at the time thy urge a cut back, rather then withdrawal?
SHEA: The presence of around 50.000 Serbian special
troops in Kosova can only provoke the civilian population, and it is not
required for the preservation of normal order and peace. Thus, these forces
have to be withdrawn, and the army should not be used against the civilian
population of a country. The police is responsible with the internal order,
and we have urged that these forces return to their locations, and we will
continue to do so in the future, too.
INTERVIEW: LT.COL JOHN FEELY, KOSOVA DIPLOMATIC
OBSERVER MISSION
WE WILL SUCCESSFULLY CONTINUE OUR MISSION
by Agron RAMAJ
ZERI: Colonel Feely, as a person who is in charge of the United States Observer Mission in Kosova, can you inform us about the scope of your Mission's activity and for the main duties it is facing?
FEELY: The mission of the KDOM is to observe and report on general freedom of movement throughout Kosova. KDOM observers will also report on the overall security conditions in Kosova. Specifically, the KDOM will observe and report: - NGO and foreign government access throughout Kosova; - Security conditions in Kosova, and - The situation regarding internally displaced persons and refugees.
ZERI: What would be the reflections of this Observer Mission activity on the political process for the resolvment of the Kosova crisis?
FEELY: The mission is meant to help build confidence in the region through an overt international presence with non- intruisive observer teams throughout Kosova. We want to reassure all the local populace. The mission reports to our respective ambassadors in Belgrade in order to improve the international community's awareness of the situation. By building confidence we hope to ease tensions; by reporting to our ambassadors, we contribute to more informed decisions regarding resolution of the issues.
ZERI: What do you think would be the main obstacles that you will face?
FEELY: We don't foresee any serious problems at this time. Gaining the people's trust will be very important. Thus far, everyone has been cooperative.
ZERI: Having in mind the present situation in Kosova, do you think that the Observer Mission si the right choice in tackling the problems or it is just a "deal" made by diplomats in order to have an international presence in Kosova?
FEELY: We believe the mission is a good way to ease tensions and keep decision-makers informed.
ZERI: This Observer Mission could it be viewed as the first step towards an international military presence in Kosova?
FEELY: The Observer Mission is strictly a diplomatic mission.
ZERI: What would be your response to the voices which are doubtfull about your mission's success in Kosova?
FEELY: Our mission is to observe and report. Although we have just begun, our missions last week were vey fruitful. We are confident we can successfully continue the mission.
ZERI: After your first patrols through the embattled regions what are your first impressions about the overall situation?
FEELY: As pointed out before, our missions last week were very fruitful. We were well received in the region. During the tours we identified areas that need further observation, particularly in the areas of humanitarian relief and displaced persons.
ZERI: What about contacts with members of the Kosova Liberation Army?
FEELY: The people in Kosova so far have not impeded or mission.
ZERI: There are constant threats by NATO for intervention in Kosova. In your opinion what is to be expected in the near future concerning this?
FEELY: I will not speculate on a matter with which I am not familiar.
ZERI: Are there plans for the "worst case scenarios" in Kosova? What will happen in that case with the International Observer Mission?
FEELY: I don't like to answer hypothetical questions.
Prishtina, July 17, 1998 Agron RAMAJ
INTERVIEW: JAMES TRAFFICANT, U.S. CONGRESSMAN
MILOSEVIC'S DIRTY CAMPAIGN AGAINST ALBANIANS
SHOULD BE STOPPED
By Isuf HAJRIZI, NEW YORK
Democratic congressman from Ohio, James Trafficant, has prepared a resolution for the U.S. Congress, on Tuesday, urging the administration and president Clinton to publicly state that Kosova Albanians have the legal right for self-determination and independence from Serbia.
Z RI: Your resolution is the first resolution that officially calls the Clinton administration to recognize Kosova's independence. With it, you strongly confront the position of the U.S. government, which is determined against independence.
TRAFFICANT: My resolution clearly expresses that
the only acceptable solution for the Albanian majority (we in America believe
in the verdict of the majority) is independence. This resolution also urges
the U.S. government to give priority to the restoration of peace and security
in the region conform democratic principles.
The United States should also assure other required
resources and means for the implementation of Kosova's independence. In
addition, the United States together with United Nations' members and other
multilateral organizations, should establish a working group that would
analyze specifics of secession, by initiating a dialogue in order to avoid
the conflict. In this direction, the United States should engage by all
required means to remove all obstacles set before Kosovars in gaining the
right of self- determination. My resolution explains in detail that Kosova
Albanians meet all conditions for independence according to the standards
of the international law, and anything else or less is not right, is improper.
The United States, holding to the idea of freedom and independence, should
get acquainted with the dynamics that has evolved in the region, and should
in no way whatsoever allow Milosevic to continue the repression through
his dirty campaign against the Albanians. It should be stopped immediately,
and we should recognize the independence of the Albanians, the thing they
deserve.
Z RI: Some analysts share the view that the West has turned its head the other way, and intentionally allows, not to say encourages, Milosevic's brutal campaign against the Albanians?
TRAFFICANT: The United States has not treated
Kosova as it deserves. There is also a feeling that the U.S. Department
of State ignored the recommendation of the international community that
Kosova is a powder keg, and had belittled this matter.
Therefore, I think that we should stand behind
the declaration of independence, and that America is obliged to support
this independence. My goal is to make the administration get down to a
hot seat by telling our officials to get away from other political dynamics
and situations that are causing them to slow down in finding adequate solutions
to the problem. My resolution will force the U.S. Department of State to
review the option of independence, and build a clear and concise policy
on Kosova.
Interview: SABIT GECI, ONE OF THE "KLA" LEADERS
THE MOMENT WE GRABBED WEAPONS WE WON THE WAR
By Besa ILAZI
Sabit GECI is one of the first soldiers to join the KLA. He took part in its organizing at the time when Adem Jashari's house served as KLA headquarters. Sabit Geci was wounded during the attack on Likoshan, but he still involves in fighting with his wounded legs.
Z RI: According to the information we possess, you are one of the organizers of the Kosova Liberation Army in the Drenica region?
GECI: Adem Jashari was the organizer for the Drenica region. Since then organizers were Adem, Hamza, Sahit Jashari, Sami Lushtaku, Ilaz Kodra, Rexhep Selimi, Besim Rama, Rafet Rama... There were men from Prekazi i Posht%m, Llausha and A+areva. We carried out our actions in great secrecy, afterwards we did not meet each other, only one person knew that the action had ended successfully...
Z RI: Open war between KLA members and Serbian police started in Mrizat e Llaush%s... Why?
GECI: KLA claimed the responsibility for actions even before the case in Mrizat e Llaush%s. But we saw a right moment to come before people and tell them they were not alone in their tragedy called Serbia, at the burial ceremony of teacher Halit Geci.
Z RI: But, you have engaged even earlier in KLA's liberation activity. What can you tell us about this?
GECI: I was also a part of the first action organized by Adem Jashari, in 1988. This action is still uncovered, it was carried out illegally, and the KLA did not claim the responsibility for it because at that time it did not exist as an army.
Z RI: What can you tell us about the strike on February 28, in Likoshan and Qirez, when you were one of the main protagonists that confront the Serbian aggressor?
GECI: On that day together with my three friends we were preparing for another action, but after we heard that there was fighting in Likoshan and Qirez, I answered the call. I pulled out the wounded, taking them out from Likoshan, I passed Qirez as well, but the moment police officers saw my car they recognized it because several actions had been carried out with it, and they started shooting. They shot at me endlessly from helicopters and armored vehicles, for three kilometers. Even in those circumstances I fought with all my strength, but then I lost my orientation from bullets that had hit my back. I lost control due to hemorrhage, and I hit the wall of a house in Prelloc. They found 360 bullets in the car and around it, I was later told by my friends. I stayed there unconscious for some until Adem and some friends came by, and then they forced the helicopter to withdraw, and offered me help...
Z RI: The current moment requires setting contacts and finding forms of coordination between military and political structures in Kosova. There is currently a splinter within the Albanian political factor...
GECI: The political subject has its own faults,
because we can't see how we can help them when they fail to agree between
them. This is their problem, and they have always had splinters, which
is very bad particularly in the given moment. As far as we are concerned,
all parties are the same, we are an army and no political parties will
exist in army regardless of the fact that someone may want to represents
us. We have still not come out with the person who represents us, because
we still think that time is not right for that. We will do that, too when
we decide it is right for us. We have our political representative and
our supreme commander, but we nevertheless urge for unity between parties
and the KLA.
STORY FROM PEJA
A TOWN TURNED INTO A GHOST
By Gjeneza BUDIMA
At 1 P.M. you cannot see a single citizen downtown Peja, you don't see anything moving, even cars are scarce. Doors of the shops in the center of the town pointlessly opened until 3 P.M. If something breaks this silence, then everyone know it's them... The so-called "Frankies", paramilitary units, which have become 'mascots' of this town, march in front of them. A terrifying image.
This all day march moves from one Peja quart to another, with stops - wherever they feel like. This time they chose the "Ramiz Sadiku" street. Many citizens who experienced these missions, are familiar with the threats of the police officers followed by violence, always being told that "Yugoslavia exists no more, everything now is Serbia, and that there is no way out for you if you don't like Serbia". From the time that Serb snipers have taken position in highest buildings of this town there is an increasing fear among the citizens. One can positively not ignore the fact that the lack of a large number of Peja citizens, who have settled in various towns in Montenegro for some time now, produces fear and dwindles courage and self-confidence among those who have remained. "A youngster was beaten right in the center of the town, he was thrown down, and the were hitting him as hard as they could, and at the end they ordered him to stand up and shake hands with them, as if nothing had happened", tells one of the shop owners in the center of the town. Citizens say that it is difficult to restrain from all these maltreatments, and that they cannot believe how they could stand until now. No one speaks about what can happen tomorrow. There are cases of Serbian civilians getting inside and forcing Albanian owners to close their shops during the day with the only argument that it is "better to close because I may get nervous, and not control myself" says Agron, a youngster from Peja. Now incomes in this town, that was known as the biggest trade center, have begun to run down. There is no business at all, nothing circulates as before. "Bad thing is we don't know where bad things can come from, since our Serbian neighbors are armed and threat us all day long, while they organize watches at night", Myrvete, 43, who was shivering while she tried to restrain herself, explains the situation. "I don't care for myself, but our children live in the same apartment buildings where there are armed people during nights", she says.
They cannot draw a balance sheet of every day events at KMLDNJ (Council for the Protection of Human Rights and Freedoms), since this is illusory, says Tahir, an activist of this municipal council. "Entire quarts are raided every day. Many persons are taken to the SPB (police), and are freed after being maltreated. We try to cover by daily reports what happens in the town, but sometimes we are not informed about certain events", says Tahir.