Homepage    |    Inhaltsverzeichnis - Contents 
Die Bibel sagt  -  The Bible says

Link to Detailed map of Kosova  81 KB      Link to detailed new map of Kosova  197 KB

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] PRESS: ZëRI DIGEST, Nr. 1670
Datum:         Wed, 22 Jul 1998 09:17:56 -0400
    Von:         Sokol Rama <sokolrama@sprynet.com>

Taken without permission, for fair use only.
___________________________________

ZëRI DIGEST

Nr. 1670, July 18, 1998

THE PRICE OF NEGOTIATIONS
By Blerim SHALA

The fact that senior Western officials so frequently mention the autonomy as a model for the resolution of the Kosova issue, and the attempt of equalizing the fault between aggressors and defenders, may serve only as a fuel to speed up the process of covering the entire Kosova in fire burnt together with Albanian houses in Likoshan, Qirez and Prekazi i Ulët. You cannot stop war in Kosova by curving Albanian-Serbian negotiations into talks on the autonomy, neither by turning the threat of NATO Alliance military actions into a debate on the "fault" of Albanians for organizing armed self-defence.

Beside the matter concerning prospects of the NATO Alliance military intervention in Kosova, which thus has to do with a cease-fire reached in Kosova, it looks as if up to this day debate on the possible status of Kosova can also prove excessively problematic as far as the Albanian position. It was previously mentioned that, after the most recent meeting of the Contact Group, there is a predominate terminology which opposes the right of Kosova's self-determination, endorsing a high political autonomy within "FRY". With such a tenacity, Contact Group nations, that are definitely truly interested in resolving the Kosova question as soon as possible through a genuine negotiating process, seriously impair prospects of such process.

In fact, despite a frequent reiterated position that negotiations in Kosova should be unconditioned, and should not prejudge the final status of Kosova, with its position in favor of Kosova's autonomy within "FRY" the Contact Group makes these negotiations conditioned and prejudged, making the position of Kosova's representatives in these negotiations excessively difficult. If you want these negotiations to be a genuine political process, which would in the beginning affect a sustainable cease-fire, then negotiations should begin without prejudging the outcome, respectively by leaving open also the wholly legitimate option of the Kosova Albanians with their will favoring the independence of Kosova.

Otherwise, the situation in Kosova will get further difficult, because Albanians will in no way whatsoever consent, regardless of the price to be paid, to their question being reduced to an autonomy within "FRY".
 

BA(L)CCANALIA
CYPRUSATION OF KOSOVA SHOULD BE PREVENTED
By Shkëlzen MALIQI

Kosova problem is getting more complicated day by day. Subjects implemented in the resolution of the crisis, with their different and incompatible interests, are being multiplied. Beside obvious differences regarding interests of the great powers, which foil a quick resolution, big splinters have now also emerged among Albanians. Now the splinters among political subjects have also been carried to KLA. This comes as a quite unexpected development, with consequences that may prove disastrous for the Kosova question and the Albanian cause, in general. How and why did this happen?

Rugova showed no political adeptness conform this critical situation, and made big mistakes in his assessments and actions, particularly regarding KLA. Naturally, others have also made similar mistakes in their assessments, but Rugova's words and actions weighed differently. Instead of acting toward unifying forces, toward strengthening ties between all political subjects, he continued his old tune of indifference and by ignoring any form of opposition. Rugova enjoyed his number one position in world state offices.

But, Rugova's opponents insisted on the indeed paradoxical assessment that the higher were Rugova's contacts, the lower was the significance of the Kosova question. They accused Rugova very severely stating that he in his contacts with Clinton, Chirac and Kohl, was betraying rather then representing the idea of the independent Kosova! Let us only call back to Rexhep Qosja's or Adem Demaçi's totally imprudent insults against Rugova's politics, and against his personality! In fact they did not merely denigrate the person, but the very institution of Kosova's representative, its president.

Foreigners also detected this frustrating situation of the inter- Albanian relations. The most disappointing moment of the splinter occurred early this month when Rugova finally organized a summit of all Albanian forces. Americans sent their special envoys to assist the realignment process in the Albanian political arena.

Richard Holbrooke engaged personally for a reconciliation in principle of Demaçi and Qosja with Rugova. In vain. They were speaking to deaf politicians who followed their fictions and aversions, rather then real political needs.

Further worse, splinters in the political specter of the Albanian movement were also carried to KLA. Hopes of a part of the Kosovar public that KLA represents the idea and the movement of unity rather then splinters has been increasingly fading. People cannot make a difference between the idea of the liberation army, that could serve as a genuine instrument of liberation from the emergence of armed forces that pretend the role of this army, but do not genuinely and fully embody this idea.

Most recent statements of KLA commanders have shown that a formation that bears the name of the liberation army, in a way, pictures divisions in the political arena. A part of them is anti-Rugova, the others leave an impression of having a more prudent approach in regard to Rugova and Kosova's legal institutions, as well as for the resolution of our question through negotiations, with the representation of all relevant forces.
Still, from the appearances of radical KLA commanders one can also notice a more positive sign of rejection of KLA's any party affiliation, particularly regarding the aspirations of certain leaders to replace Rugova so they could take over the role of KLA's political wing. Adem Demaçi has particularly fostered these illusions by imposing his idea of Balkania.

But, the need of urgently creating a Kosova political leadership, that would take over the political control of KLA, is definitely imposed. How is this control to be achieved, still remains to be seen. Since there is no political acquiescence between political subject nor between KLA commanders, it is given a priority to the idea of constituting the parliament and creating an executive power, an effective government that would divide the executive responsibility of the Kosova leadership as a whole. This would not be a perfect solution due to the refusal of those who demand the creation of a national council, but in a given moment it is a indispensable solution. Then, after the creation of an executive power, which also implies the creation of local administrations, the consolidation of the movement, the freezing of some eruptive and unjustifiable heads could begin in order to achieve a strategic cooperation and a unified action of political and military forces.

The bad alternative is the Lybanisation of Kosova, its division along party lines, that would have been in favor of Serbia and in favor of its plans for the division of Kosova. We would all be responsible for the eventual Cyprusation of Kosova.
 

AN INITIATIVE AND ITS PROSPECTS
By Fehmi AGANI

International mediators or bodies were aware from the very beginning that the initial talks, in the form they were conceived and had begun, could not bring the expected or wished for result, therefore after these talks were discontinued they focused their efforts not as much on the continuation as on the re-preparation, in form and contents, of future talks. With the idea of a blueprint on the future status of Kosova, prepared by the Contact Group, in the center of these re-preparations.

The international blueprint on the future status of Kosova, whatever concrete force it may have, will have its positive side, but will also bear difficulties for both sides.

The most important part is certainly the fact that such blueprints, precisely as an effort for finding compromise settlements, are far from wishes, demands, initial proposals of both sides, therefore bring disillusionment for both sides. Even the agreement for such compromise proposals is difficult, and perhaps will need to be imposed.

It is known that the disclosed blueprint of the Contact Group on the future status of Kosova will be based on the well known position that the settlement should be sought in form of a broad autonomy within Yugoslavia. Even though the autonomy in a European and actual sense presents a form of sovereignty, and may have various federal and confederal forms, and despite the fact that the settlement is sought within Yugoslavia, without mentioning Serbia, Serbian political parties and state institutions rushed to prepare programs for Kosova's autonomy by decomposing the autonomy in Serbian hegemonical terms and by seeking a settlement, naturally, within Serbia.

All these projects, together with political declarations of Serbian political parties, even when they talk of broadening the autonomy naturally compared with the existing (!) 'autonomy', see the autonomy only within Serbia, and pretend not to notice that international community seeks the solution within Yugoslavia, without mentioning Serbia. Their intention is clear. To create an impression that to seek the autonomy implies to seek the settlement within Serbia, so they could sway the international community on this basis!

The persistence on two (or more) chambers of the Kosova parliament is interesting. This has nothing to do with the protection, that has to be guaranteed, of certain national groups. This is rather another intention to paralyze the Parliament through two chambers and by concensus, so that Serbia could be the one that would again solve the problems! The calculation of all Serbian political subjects, from Milosevic up to minor parties, to use the inter-Albanian splinters toward realizing their "projects", is yet another topic.
 

INTERVIEW: Jakup Krasniqi, spokesmen of the KLA Headquarters
KLA IS KOSOVA'S PROSPECT AND FUTURE
By Ismail SYLA

Z RI: The first public appearance of KLA members roused great sympathy, but suspicions, as well?

KRASNIQI: The open appearance after November 26, 1997 action in Rezalla e Re, and on November 28, at the burial ceremony of teacher Halit Geci, is KLA's first public appearance. This date was not chosen incidentally. There is historical symbolism behind it, there are programmatic signs. The appearance occurred due to dilemmas from the propaganda in favor or against the existence of KLA.

Z RI: How do you explain that KLA has quickly become so massive?

KRASNIQI: It started becoming so massive, and expanded from the terrorist action of the Serbian police and para-militaries in Likoshan, Qirez and after insidious attacks in Prekaz i Poshtëm that were aimed to annihilate families in Prekaz and the very crib of resistance. The Serbian police with these two police actions achieved counter-effects. KLA sprouted by developing and by strengthening. It became massive and gained the support of people. After these actions the KLA guerilla war turned into a national war. Entire villages joined KLA. KLA had no problems with numbers and followers, but had problems regarding its stretching and organizing its members. This shows its national character.

Z RI: The way it was legitimized is interesting. It was first recognized and accepted by the foreign factor then by the "official", internal factor. KLA has created a new morale climate among Albanian, a return to fundamental values of the nation.

KRASNIQI: Concrete results that were achieved on the ground made the international factor, namely the American diplomacy, accept and recognize KLA before our internal factors. Thus, KLA legitimizes its principal aim, and gives a new glow to political, moral values by restoring self-confidence, dignity, pride and courage in the spirit of the Albanian. But the political lesson we have learned makes us aware how we underestimate and ignore ourselves. Even those who were suspicious, reserved and who labelled us by stating that Serbian secret police had allegedly created KLA, have changed their mind, today. KLA is the same KLA it was from the beginning.

Z RI: What is the relation of KLA and political parties in Kosova?

KRASNIQI: Since '80-ies our people has carried on a peaceful struggle. During these years there were arrests, trials, heavy sentence imprisonments, killings of soldiers, killings of civilians, expulsions, denials of elementary human and national rights. The climate for political actions of political parties is limited. We urge those parties to join KLA. With splintering actions they have particularly become an obstacle for the unification of the people, for the right alignment of their energy toward the main goal. With this contradictory position, they are in fact de-legitimized.

Z RI: Are there political differences in KLA? Where do these tendencies come from, who projects them?

KRASNIQI: Differences are quite limited. They are projected by political forces, by DLK, which tries to infiltrate, through marginal individuals, its conflicting influence. This influence is perhaps encouraged by the foreign factor who craved for the weakening of the military and political strength of KLA, and for imposing an insignificant settlement to the Albanian question. This is proven by the fact that Rugova is strengthened by big powers, and this should be sought within the Milosevic-Yeltsin meeting in Moscow. Some political forces in Kosova are acceptable to Belgrade itself.

Z RI: Our political subject is trying to establish major institutions from a Parliament up to a National Council. How does KLA assess this actions?

KRASNIQI: Both these bodies have been delayed. KLA, by freeing territories, will guide the creation of political institutions. The civilian-administrative power will start functioning in territories under control.

Z RI: Spokesman's final messages?

KRASNIQI: KLA controls a part of the Kosova's territory. It is spread on 90% of Kosova's territory. With KLA Kosova has a prospect and future. Wherever its lays its foot, this means end to Serbian police and military massacres and terror. The faith in victory is unshakable, therefor we urge all those who care for their homeland, for freedom to join KLA rows.
 

INTERVIEW: Nekibe KELMENDI, DLK secretary general
IT WAS NEVER MORE DIFFICULT FOR THE ALBANIAN PEOPLE OF KOSOVA, BUT THE INDEPENDENCE WAS ALSO NEVER SO CLOSE
By Besa ILAZI, Agim ZOGAJ

Z RI: DLK is relying on the fact that the Serbian aggression will confront all-national resistance, that emerged under the name of the Kosova Liberation Army. Why has then DLK hesitated so much to pronounce on it?

KELMENDI: Well, the international community had initially tried to present the Kosova Liberation Army as a terrorist organization, and that was our hesitation. From the very start we have known that KLA was not a terrorist organization. KLA is people itself, KLA are all Kosova citizens within the national resistance. Where we have war, people are being organized in self-defence. Where there is fighting, there we also have the DLK membership that actively takes part in the national resistance. Exactly because of this the Kosova Liberation Army is a formation organized for national resistance, and that is the reason we do not see it as a terrorist organization, as it was labelled by the Belgrade regime, Moscow and some others, and they are our sons that fight for our common goals. Here, I think, are no differences as far as goals. Our goal is the independence of Kosova, respectively the realization of the right to self- determination. No one from DLK has called them terrorists, but due to the fact that we had already entered negotiations with the Serbian side we, for some time, had to keep to our position and say that people are only organized to defend their thresholds. Saying that people have the right to defend their thresholds, we had since then given a signal to the people for self-defence and to organize in self-defence. Whether this is called KLA or national resistance, or has a different name, that is of no importance. What is important is that the people is determined to defend itself.

Z RI: KLA has already turned into a subject, to an irreplaceable factor in our national movement for freedom and independence. How does DLK value the role of KLA in these developments?

KELMENDI: KLA is people itself. Its role is very big. Its role is to organize the self-defence, not to have splinters, not to have differences, not to have different formations, but to be a unique organization. If it were organized it would politically be more better of, and could act freely in two rails: in that of negotiations and in the rail of national resistance, until the very goal of independence is achieved. And now, I believe, it would be more useful if KLA left aside political questions, and were lead by institutions. Saying this, I bear in mind the fact that the Kosova Liberation Army, in a way, should submit to the institutionalization. This will not harm it, this does not hinder it at all in its fight for the liberation of Kosova. On the contrary, this would further strengthen it, and would have enabled an institutionalized presentation of the army in negotiations. DLK engages for the institutionalization of KLA, engages that it should have a commander, as envisioned by the Constitution of the Republic of Kosova, and that it should have single headquarters, a leadership.
 

INTERVIEW: TIM JUDAH, BRITISH PUBLICIST
KOSOVA INDEPENDENCE IS HINDERED BY MACEDONIA'S ENDANGERMENT AND DAYTON'S BOSNIA
By Daut DAUTI, LONDON

Z RI: You have recently visited Kosova and Serbia. How is the situation in Kosova, and what is Belgrade's official reaction against Kosova?

JUDAH: I left Kosova following the events in Deçan. Naturally, different mass medias were interested in refugees. But the quick expansion of KLA not only around Deçan, but particularly around Skënderaj, in other words out of the Drenica triangle, where this army stayed previously, is another very interesting thing. I had seen two big Serbian police checkpoints, on the road between Skënderaj and Gllogovc, two weeks ago, but now I saw that not only these checkpoints were not there anymore, but were replaced by the KLA control, and now this road route was controlled by KLA. You could see that there had been no major fighting for these two important points. Or you may have had an impression that no fighting had taken place at all.

Z RI: How come the Serbian police had then "disappeared"?

JUDAH: The Serbian police had simply withdrawn and this is, indeed, an interesting point. As I gathered, Serbs are not trying too hard, at least not as hard as I could see them try in previous wars. As if they are simply giving up some points without fighting.

Z RI: Why does this happen? Can it be that they may, perhaps, fear from the intervention of NATO?

JUDAH: Yes. This is undeniably one of the reasons. But the other factor is the question of numbers. Serbs don't have enough men to confront Albanians. This is an old and long-lasting problem of the Serbian government with Kosova. There are, simply, not enough Serbs living in Kosova that would keep the situation, and the number of Serbs in Serbia ready to come to Kosova and fight is even smaller. So, Serbs are not prepared to die in Kosova. Serbian police can attack and hold on to some points, and may push KLA in certain parts, but it cannot do this for a long time in a situation of permanent war, a situation which Serbs can in no way stand up to.

Z RI: From Kosova you proceeded to Belgrade, staying there for couple of weeks. How is Kosova reflected among ordinary people and particularly among Serbian officials?

JUDAH: This is yet another interesting matter. It was always thought that Serbs would ultimately be motivated and would go to "defend" Kosova, "their cradle and place of civilization", etc... Ordinary people would indeed not care less. These people have lately met subsequent defeats that occurred during recent years. Same goes for the intelligence. They, together with the ordinary people, don't want to deal with Kosova. In Kosova I saw burning villages, people dying, refugees in streets. After a day I went to Belgrade and I was by chance invited by Serbs to an elegant dinner. And one of the present Serbs spoke to me: Oh, you have just returned from Kosova. What is going in Kosova? Almost joking I replied: I don't think you are interested in Kosova. "You are absolutely right. Hand me the fish plate, please" - he said to me. Then I talked to a political scientist, who was thoroughly informed with what was going on in Kosova, and with the Kosova affairs in power circles of Belgrade. When we came to the subject of Kosova, I asked him about his feeling. He replied: "As far as I am concerned it is as distant as Burundi". These people have begun thinking that Serbia would be freed without Kosova. This group, still small, thinks it is impossible to democratize Serbia by keeping the occupied Kosova. But, this group will become larger.
 

WAR IN KOSOVA
"WE WERE THINKING HOW TO DIE IN DIGNITY..."
By Besa ILAZI

Until now more then 10 thousand people have sheltered in Prishtina, all coming from war zones. Naser Gashi, an activist, says: "We had 15 families still not sheltered, only last evening, July 13. Prishtina is full, but we also have people who do not accept refugees."

In the apartment of their relative, where they had sheltered, we met a family from Deçan, that had remained locked in for 18 days. They spoke about what the husband and his wife and their three children had gone through: "Our apartment is located on the road leading to the monastery, with most of the inhabitants Serbs.

That is why, due to security reasons, I had earlier sheltered at my parents apartment. My parents remained in Deçan because while we were pulling out my father said that he intended not to leave his house after having seen everything. That day, on Monday, the shooting began; we only heard shots, we couldn't see because we were in downtown. When we stepped out on the balcony, not to much later, we saw that the town was packed with Serbian police and para-militaries.

My neighbors were told to leave their apartments in two minutes, but since neither them nor we, staying in our apartments, were not safe to go out, were the danger was bigger, we gathered in two and three families at higher floors of the building, and left lower floors to Serbian para-militaries. That is how we stayed locked. They started shelling Deçan after two days; we couldn't see anything, we only heard the roar and the explosion of grenades. Some left on Wednesday, but we couldn't because we had small children, and we feared we would endanger them even more. Later we learned that only our family and some families in the apartments and a quarter behind the police, had remained in Deçan, locked and without any hope for leaving.

The others had left. We stayed there. Thursday evening, somewhere around six o' clock, police and para-militaries settled in our apartments. I had never seen so many police as that day. Most of the apartments were vacant; there were two families in our apartment building, and six others in the tall apartment building close to ours. We had with us our neighbors from a floor under.

We were waiting for them to come. They came the next evening. First came some with colored faces asking about who was living here; after seeing the children, they went down. Later came some others with nets on their faces, and questioned us who we were and how many members were sheltered there. The third, wearing black hats, after we opened the door, pointed their guns on us and put us out on the corridor; they got inside and started checking, then they left saying: "Close the door, don't you by any chance open the windows or curtains, don't move, don't make any noise and enjoy, otherwise you will suffer badly." Leaving they asked us about apartments across the corridor whether they Serb's or Albanian's property, and after we told them, they broke in and settled in those apartments. They broke in all other apartments when there were no occupants. They started taking everything the could find, audio sets, TV's, VCR's, satellite dishes, everything they could find. In the morning they looted, and at evening around six o'clock they returned again and settled in apartments of the Albanian owners. I had five or six of them across my apartment, they slept there. The evenings were the most difficult, you could hear their screams, they ate and drank, sang, cursed...

We decided to leave. That day we all pulled out, only my parents and Niman Lokaj remained: there was around 45 of us. The bus from Gjakova to Peja had started circulating. We went downtown, got on the bus and arrived to Peja. There were hundred of police checkpoints along the road to Peja, but we travelled behind a military convoy and no one stopped us. Most of the people fleeing were children, women and elderly... In Peja we had a misfortune of sheltering in the Dardania 1 quart, near the Shoe Factory, and once more witness the shelling of the first houses in Loxha... We had to flee from there, too. We, around 50 of us, headed for Plava, in two vans of a Muslim. We were told that there is no police up to Rozhajë, but we were stopped as soon as the fifth kilometer. The driver demanded some additional money for the policemen, but it didn't work. Men had to get off. They took our ID's and told us they were going to check the men inside the barracks. Very soon a car came taking me and two others from Strellc. The police officer asked me about whereabouts of my house in Deçan. After telling him, he asked me whether I knew anyone in Deçan, asked me whether I knew the chief of the police in Deçan. He didn't believe me, but when I told him that he was living above my apartment, I don't know the reason why, he allowed me to return to the van. They took the other two, they were sent back and sent who know where. We started off with their families breaking our hearts; they cried and screamed all along the way; children whose parents were stopped could not get in terms with that. I have no idea what happened to them...

 PRESS NOW, AMSTERDAM 1998

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] Press: Gazeta Albania, July 22, 1998
Datum:         Wed, 22 Jul 1998 04:44:44 PDT
    Von:         Ylli Rakipi <yrakipi@HOTMAIL.COM>

                    Albania and the Kosova Crisis

By Albert Rakipi
Director of the Albanian Institute for International Studies

The debate on the role of Albania in the Kosova crisis has returned, while in terrain and in the international community stand new but not unforeseen developments have come up.

After the new massacres committed, Belgrade accused Albania that it not only has turned the northern part of the country in basis for training and weapon shipment for "terrorists" and "separatists", but it also goes further on when bringing accusations that to assist them, units of the Albanian army have also joined. Furthermore, Serb military forces attacked the Albanian territory. In the propaganda plan, the official Tirana responded through a tough declaration about "the violation of the integrity", and in the diplomatic plan, by exploiting the fourth visit in less than a year of the Greek Foreign Minister, Pangallos, asked Greece (an at least spiritual alley to Serbia) a broker role so that President Miloshevic stops violence. The last one was a the stand of the time by the Tirana authorities. But the debates on the Tirana stand to the Kosova conflict were re-opened by the international institutions, who are once again are testing in the terrain which are in reality the stand and engagement of Albania, since everybody is well aware and agrees that Albania cannot be passive. In effect, in the diplomatic aspect, Albania has been almost passive. In November 1997, the Albanian administration asked the Serb one to recognize the human rights of the Kosova Albanians, while from the latter it demanded to recognize the Belgrade institutions and to put an end to their boycott. This policy continued till the beginning of the Serb slaughter against Albanians by February 1998, but among other issues, it also added in its official stand the denunciation of the Albanian terrorists (KLA). Moreover, in the diplomatic plan, Albania "intensified" the relations with Macedonia, "the Achilles’ heel" of the West especially in the context of the Kosova conflict. With regard to the relations with Kosova, its political factors and subjects, since its first days in power and especially after November 1997, it was clear that the official Tirana could have no impact and this was an unforeseen situation. Even the last moves of Tirana in order to have a kind of influence on the political factors in Kosova, produced no significant result but for some influence on some party in the outskirts of the Kosova politics, either newly emerged or old ones. But with regard to the ever-growing influential factor in Kosova, the Kosova Liberation Army, the official Tirana, by exploiting its ideological affinities and the early links reinforced with a political Marxist wing in the West, the state authorities began to seek a certain dominance. Local observers and other reliable sources affirm that although the KLA is one of the most united factors in Kosova as compared to the political parties there, official Tirana seeks to influence the domination of the left Marxist wing, whose leaders take their promenade in the best Tirana hotels and have state warranty by the most specialized state bodies about the roads that take to Tropoja, from where we have watched them clean and well shaved while calling for find raising on behalf of the war. Side by side with the short-term interests of using these Marxist contingents, which are linked to the war strategic businesses, Apparently official Tirana is also interested to have it own influence after the end of the war in Kosova. With regard to the first issue, no Albanian government would have been able to control the borders even in case Albania was a stabilized state. The border with the rump Yugoslavia devised Albania not only in the North but also in the East with Macedonia. (One of the most erroneous moves of the Albanian diplomacy was to ask the deployment of international troops (NATO) in the conflict borders, in front of the request by the Albanian opposition leader who demanded that NATO should be provided with all port and air facilities, if there would be no decision to intervene in the conflict areas). But the actual Albanian government cannot be held guilty neither by the international community, nor by the international accords, which derive from the international right, on why is cannot afford to defend the border or stop the arms shipment from the Albanian territory. War has its own laws. It is quite a different story the accusations and facts about the government net through the secret service.

But the Albanian government, in a most complete way has used and is using the Kosova conflict for domestic policies.  It has propagated a stabilizing policy far from the nationalist spirit in these troubled times in the region. For some time, the actual Albanian government is seen not only as moderate, but also as a good manager of the possible nationalist explosions.

In fact, in Albania, since the collapse of communism, there has been no influential political party proclaiming a nationalist policy "to unite all the Albanian-inhabited territories, or put otherwise to create the Great Albania". But the propaganda by the government and by the other subjects managed to create for a certain period the nationalist image for the Albanian opposition and especially for the leader of this opposition, former President of Albania, Berisha. The propaganda campaign was intensified with the explosion of the conflict in Kosova by commenting that former strong President of Albania and one of the interlocutors of the western politics in the region, was attempting his political comeback through a nationalist policy on Kosova. In fact, the was in Kosova is being considered as a golden period to prolong the life of a failed government. International institutions and western chancelleries, with a (not unrecognized) pragmatist policy, are sacrificing the issue of democracy in Albania, which has marked steps backward. The government has not established its control over the country (in the western press, three months ago, to the question of a journalist with regard to the stand to the Kosova government, an important western emissary answered that "the Albanian government is not affording to control even the two lighted big roads". The international institutions have joined the conclusions by the opposition on the "very high level of crime and corruption". Despite all this, still some western chancelleries, though more reserved continue to declare their support for the policy of the Albanian government towards Kosova.

But the propaganda by the Albanian government and some other uninformed international subjects is not valid in the idea that the actual administration in Albania is a good manager of the aggressive Albanian nationalism, due to the fact that Albania has no potential to inspire nationalism for a Great Albania.

Likewise, the governmental propaganda is attempting to exploit the Kosova conflict in another way. It tries to argument the total lack of stability and especially the security situation in the country with the flux of refugees fleeing war in Kosova. According to the Albanian Prime Minister, those hundreds of women and children coming to Northern Albania from the Serb province of Kosova are a threat to the stability in the country (Reuters, July 16, 1998). This is a desperate attempt to bill the critical lack of stability to the Kosova arrivals, mainly children and women, while the local observers of the international community can testify that Vlora for example, the most important naval town in the South of the country, has turned to a Columbia controlled by the government itself.

More shocking and irrational was the appeal by the Prime Minister that the opposition is trying to use the KLA soldiers against the Albanian government. This is the most lost battle of the government. The fight to use Kosova for the domestic policies is lost. The flagrant deformations of democracy in Albania, the sharpening economic crisis and the total loss of confidence at the state institutions is dangerous and can bring about a great radicalization within Albania.

Apparently, Kosova will be the lost battle even for other factors.

The losers in Kosova will be its political leadership. The political parties and subjects in Kosova are split. This is one of the reasons of the hesitation and the steps back by the international community to the Kosova crisis. While the difference within the Kosova Liberation Army and especially a political leadership with a clear political vision are creating further hesitations in the stands of the international community. Furthermore, the appearance time after time of the spokesmen that declare that they "will unite all the Albanian-inhabited territories", or that "will create an independent Albania with the Albanian lands in Kosova, Macedonia and Montenegro" are an argument not only for the hesitation of the West, but also a golden argument to Miloshevic and his policies.

The Kosova battle will have other losers: The values of democracy and liberty of the West are being put in doubt in a critical manner. With its policy in Kosova, the West is sacrificing exactly its hundred years values. Consecutively, the West does not support the Kosova independence owing to the consequences this might have on Macedonia in a special way, but also due to the Dayton agreement related to the coming status of the Serpska Republica. The West is waiting almost as it did in Bosnia. The French-German initiative for an International Conference, for a second Dayton on Kosva has not been supported either by the USA or Britain, precisely for the above mentioned circumstances.

But the greatest looser, no doubt will be Miloshevic and his policy for Great Serbia he has afforded to manage for staying in power. And for as long as he continues war against Kosova, Serbia will be looser. (the hope that the new opposition against Miloshevic "Changing opposition" led by a figure like Panic is a vague hope).

Serbia has lost the battle with Kosova. Despite the army, one of the strongest in former Easter Europe, despite the geo-political circumstances in the region, despite all these. So far Miloshivic Miloshevic is determined to loose the battle "together with the ultra-nationalist opposition and with a great price than the blood".

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] NEWS: KOSOVA UPDATE, JULY 22, 1998
Datum:         Wed, 22 Jul 1998 09:16:33 -0400
    Von:         Sokol Rama <sokolrama@sprynet.com>

            NEWS: KOSOVA UPDATE, JULY 22, 1998

"When the shelling stopped," Vuciterna said, "the sniping began. I don't
know where it came from because it seemed to be everywhere. The soldiers
began to go through our neighborhood killing people. They were in civilian
clothes, some of them were in uniform, about 100 of them altogether. They
were armed."

NYTIMES
July 22, 1998
___________________________________

Taken without permission, for fair use only.

12,000 Flee Serb Attack on a Town in Kosovo
Fierce fighting in Kosovo
U.S. Diplomat Meets Kosovo Leader
No Breakthrough in Kosovo Talks
Corpses said to lie in wartorn Kosovo villages
At least 34 Albanians killed in latest battle
___________________________________

July 22, 1998
NYTIMES

12,000 Flee Serb Attack on a Town in Kosovo

By MIKE O'CONNOR

MALISEVO, Yugoslavia -- Terrified ethnic Albanians fleeing three days of fighting in nearby Orahovac are arriving here with accounts of scores of civilian deaths after attacks on homes by government artillery and rampages of violence by soldiers and Serbian civilians.
     In the last few days about 12,000 refugees have made their way through about 10 miles of forests and mountains to this town, where the ethnic Albanian rebels are in complete control, according to local officials. The streets are filled with people wandering almost in shock, and their condition adds weight to the impression that they have experienced something appalling. But their accounts of events were often confused or lacking in detail and could not be independently verified.
     In at least a score of interviews, refugees gave accounts similar to that of Faik Vuciterna, 38, a father of six.
     "It began on Saturday," he said. "They began to massacre us first by artillery shelling. Many were killed." Many refugees said their neighborhoods were shelled by government forces retaliating against ethnic Albanian separatists. The separatists had attacked ethnic Serbian targets in Orahovac, a city of about 20,000, which, like the province, is 90 percent ethnic Albanian.
     "When the shelling stopped," Vuciterna said, "the sniping began. I don't know where it came from because it seemed to be everywhere. The soldiers began to go through our neighborhood killing people. They were in civilian clothes, some of them were in uniform, about 100 of them altogether. They were armed."
     When he heard those words, an old man sitting on his haunches nearby began to moan. "Ohhhh, they had every kind of weapon, everything to kill people," he said.
     Another man cut in. "They had the dum-dum," he said, using a vernacular term for an anti-aircraft cannon with explosive shells which Serbian forces often fire against buildings.
     "One of my friends was hit by a sniper bullet," Vuciterna said. "Then they hit him with the dum-dum and he exploded in front of me. He was my best friend."
     Describing scenes reminiscent of the war in Bosnia, refugees said they believed Serbian forces wanted to drive ethnic Albanians from the area in order to more easily control it.
     Refugees talked of seeing their Serbian neighbors joining marauding government forces to attack ethnic Albanians, then loot and burn their homes.
     In Pristina, the provincial capital, a senior Serbian official categorically denied there were any indiscriminate attacks on civilians in Orahovac. The government announced it would allow the press to visit the city on Tuesday. It was closed to the press on Monday, making it impossible for reporters to confirm the refugees' accounts.
     At the local health clinic here, the director and the chief nurse were tallying the number of people they have treated in the last three days for what they say are war wounds.
     The nurse counted out the names of patients from a logbook. At 5 p.m. Tuesday she said, "It looks as if it comes to 112."
     The clinic director, Dr. Rame Morina, first insisted all of the patients were civilians. Then he conceded that about 10 percent were soldiers.
     Doctors said they had not been able to treat many of the seriously injured because they have run out of some medications.
     An unknown number of wounded have died or been left behind on the trails that refugees are taking through the mountains, doctors said.
     A more complete picture of what happened in Orahovac was not available because, while the Serbian government had sealed off Orahovac, the ethnic Albanian fighters were barring journalists from entering Malisevo for most of the day.
     An ethnic Albanian man who asked to remain anonymous said he and a group of about 20 were caught by soldiers as they were trying to escape the city.
"Over the radio I heard the order given to the soldiers, 'Finish your job.' They were going to shoot us," the man said.
     He said the soldiers then saw a white BMW on the road carrying two men racing to rescue their families. When the soldiers turned their guns on the car, he said, his group took the chance to run.
     "When we ran, three of our group were shot dead, I guess eight were wounded, and the rest of us got here today," he said.
     Two men, who said they and 72 other ethnic Albanians had hidden in a basement for three days, said they emerged to find homes in their neighborhood being torched by Serbian soldiers and civilians.
     "I will wait here to see if any of my relatives arrive, then I'll go back and kill the Serbs," one man said. His companion flashed 10 fingers three times, then ran his hand across his throat to indicate how many Serbs he intended to kill.
___________________________________

BBC
Wednesday, July 22, 1998 Published at 04:02 GMT 05:02 UK

Fierce fighting in Kosovo

Reports from Kosovo say there has been fierce fighting between ethnic Albanian rebels and Serbian security forces in and around the town of Orahovac in the southwest of the province.
     The Serbian authorities say their forces retook the town from the Kosovo Liberation Army on Monday.
     But the latest unconfirmed reports say the Serbian forces have been coming under fire from KLA snipers.
     At least 150 Kosovan Albanians and 30 members of the Serbian security forces have been killed, according to a report on Bosnian TV in Sarajevo.
     The Kosovo Albanian news agency, ARTA, said Kosovo Liberation Army units have captured 'a large number' of armed Serbs during the fighting.
     Families trapped in partly destroyed settlements are surviving in grim conditions, with no electricity or running water and very little food, said an anonymous spokesperson from an international aid agency.

UN strengthens force in Macedonia

The United Nations Security Council has strengthened its peacekeeping force in Macedonia and extended its mandate until February 1999 because of the continued fighting in the neighbouring Serbian province of Kosovo.
     The force - the UN Preventive Deployment Force (UNPREDEP) - will be increased by 350 soldiers to enforce the UN arms embargo against Yugoslavia.
     The Macedonian Defence Ministry has also sent more troops to the border to stop what it said was arms smuggling by Kosovo Albanian rebels.
     The UN vote coincided with three explosions in Macedonia - two near the Yugoslav border and one in the capital, Skopje.
     No one was injured in the blasts, and so far, no-one has claimed responsibility, though earlier in 1998, the Kosovo Liberation Army said it was behind a series of bombings in Macedonia.
     The Secretary-General of Nato, Javier Solana, is due in Skopje on Wednesday to discuss the Kosovo conflict.
___________________________________

Tuesday July 21 4:49 PM EDT

U.S. Diplomat Meets Kosovo Leader

ISMET HAJDARI Associated Press Writer

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - After some of the heaviest fighting in weeks, a senior U.S. envoy stepped up efforts Tuesday to cobble together peace talks in Kosovo, admitting progress has been slow.
     Albanian sources, meanwhile, reported a fourth day of clashes near the strategic town of Orahovac in central Kosovo, and said at least 36 ethnic Albanians had been killed.
     The fighting cast doubt on the possibility of a negotiated settlement between Serbia, the dominant republic of Yugoslavia, and the independence-minded Albanians, who make up 90 percent of Kosovo's population.
     Christopher Hill, the U.S. ambassador to Macedonia, met Tuesday with Ibrahim Rugova, the moderate ethnic Albanian leader, a day after he conferred with Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic in Belgrade.
     No details were available on Hill's talks with Milosevic. However, Zoran Lilic, a top Milosevic aide, said Yugoslavia was ready to offer the highest level of autonomy to the Kosovo Albanians.
     Before meeting Rugova, Hill indicated no quick solution to the Kosovo crisis was in sight. Asked if progress had been made, he said, "That would be too strong, but we are trying."
     Rugova's party, the Democratic League of Kosovo, on Tuesday condemned what it called the "violence and massacre by Serb forces in Orahovac." The town appeared largely under Serb control after the Kosovo Liberation Army launched a strong attack there Saturday.
     The capture of Orahovac, located about 30 miles southwest of the provincial capital, Pristina, would have expanded the nearly 40 percent of Kosovo the KLA is said to control - and given the rebels command of a strategic road.
     The Kosovo Information Center, which is close to ethnic Albanian politicians, claimed Serb forces were still shelling KLA positions in Orahovac on Tuesday and that fighting was also raging in outlying villages.
     It said at least 36 Albanians had been killed, including women and children. State radio in the Albanian capital, Tirana, reported Tuesday evening that 11 dead were still lying in the streets.
     House-to-house battles in Orahovac forced as many as 25,000 residents from the town and its surroundings to the KLA-controlled town of Malisevo, 10 miles to the north, according to local media reports.
     On Monday, Serb authorities escorted reporters to the southern edge of Orahovac to see weapons captured from KLA fighters, but refused to let them into the center of town. In the distance, smoke billowed from fires in the area, suggesting the conflict there was not quite over.
___________________________________

Wednesday July 22 4:32 AM EDT

No Breakthrough in Kosovo Talks

ISMET HAJDARI Associated Press Writer

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - With fighting still simmering in central Kosovo following a major clash this week, an American diplomat said two days of mediation between ethnic Albanians and Serbs has ended without progress.
     A day after conferring with Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic in Belgrade, Christopher Hill, the U.S. ambassador to Macedonia, met Tuesday with Ibrahim Rugova, the moderate ethnic Albanian leader.
     No information was released on the meetings in Belgrade and Pristina, but Zoran Lilic, a senior government official and top Milosevic aide, said Yugoslavia was ready to offer the highest level of autonomy to the Kosovo Albanians. In the past, however, Kosovo's Albanians - who make up 90 percent of the province's population - have said they will stop at nothing short of full independence.
     Kosovo is located in southern Serbia, the dominant of two republics that make up the remainder of Yugoslavia.
     Lilic said Yugoslavia expects further efforts from the international community, particularly the United States, which, he claimed, has a lot of influence on Kosovo Albanians. But the fighting around Orahovac has cast doubt on the possibility of a negotiated settlement between Serbia and Kosovo's ethnic Albanians.
     The deepening conflict has been aggravated by divisions inside the ethnic Albanian camp.
     On Monday, Rugova declared that all Kosovo Albanian political parties would unite "in the next few days" in a coalition government. But it was unlikely that the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army would be prepared to accept the authority of Rugova, who has favored a nonviolent approach so far. The KLA has vowed to take its fight for independence from largely rural to urban areas.
     Earlier Tuesday, Serb police and ethnic Albanian rebels were reported to have clashed near Orahovac for a fourth day.
     Before meeting Rugova, Hill indicated that no quick solution to the Kosovo crisis was in sight. Asked if progress had been made, he said, "That would be too strong, but we are trying."
     With that in mind, the U.N. Security Council on Tuesday unanimously approved a nearly 50 percent increase in the U.N. peacekeeping force in Macedonia, mostly to strengthen security along Macedonia's borders with Kosovo and Albania. U.S. troops will make up about half of the 1,000-plus force.
     Rugova's party, the Democratic League of Kosovo, on Tuesday condemned what it called the "violence and massacre by Serb forces in Orahovac." The town appeared largely under Serb control after the KLA launched a strong attack there Saturday.
     The capture of Orahovac, located about 30 miles southwest of the provincial capital, Pristina, would have expanded the nearly 40 percent of Kosovo the KLA is said to control - and given the rebels command of a strategic road.
     The Kosovo Information Center, which is close to ethnic Albanian politicians, claimed Serb forces were still shelling KLA positions in Orahovac on Tuesday and that fighting was also raging in outlying villages.
     It said at least 36 Albanians had been killed, including women and children.
     House-to-house battles in Orahovac forced as many as 25,000 residents in the area to flee to the KLA-controlled town of Malisevo, 10 miles to the north, according to local media reports.
___________________________________

Tuesday July 21 5:10 PM EDT

Corpses said to lie in wartorn Kosovo villages

By Douglas Hamilton

PRISTINA, Serbia (Reuters) - Bodies are lying where they fell in some Kosovo villages hit hardest by the conflict between Serbian security forces and ethnic Albanian separatists, a humanitarian aid worker said on Tuesday.
     Families trapped in partly destroyed settlements are surviving in grim conditions, with no electricity or running water and very little food, said the man, who works for a major international agency and spoke only on condition of anonymity.
     "In the village of Prejlep there is great destruction and the stench of death. The bodies of horses and cattle are lying rotting in the streets and we were told of uncollected human corpses," he told Reuters.
     "There was a destroyed no man's land with forces separated by just a few hundred meters (yards). In one house in Isnic there were 35 children living down in a basement room."
     He said shooting broke out in Isnic while clearly marked humanitarian vehicles were in the settlement.
     Meanwhile, the ethnic Albanians' Kosovo Information Center said at least 34 Albanians had been reported killed in fierce fighting over the past four days for the southwestern town of Orahovac.
     The aid worker, a native of Kosovo, said he had traveled extensively in the conflict zone in the past week to assess the situation. He described grim scenes of destruction in Ponosevac, Ponoc and Ratkoc, in the Albanian border zone.
     "In Ponosevac I saw a body lying by the road and another in a field," he said. In the town of Decane and the nearby villages of Strelc, Prejlep and Babaloc, the aid worker said he heard reports of 48 unrecovered bodies.
     "There is a Serbian Orthodox priest there, a remarkable man called Sava, who is doing all he can to help the Albanians against the odds," he said.
     Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic has promised that foreign aid organizations will have free access to the stricken areas. But in practice they encounter high risks and hostility in many places.
     "The Serbs hate us, and the Albanians are very disappointed in us," the aid worker said.
     The worst conditions were in the west of the Serbian province near the border with Albania, the infiltration route used by guerrillas of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) who are fighting for an independent state.
     In the town of Djakovica, swollen by thousands of displaced people, the aid worker said he saw "100 to 150 people lining up outside the bakery for bread." Flour was in drastically short supply.
     The death toll in the five-month-old conflict is now estimated at over 400, with a further 300 missing.
     The Kosovo Information Center said it had two reports naming 10 and 24 of the dead from the Orahovac zone.
     "They have been buried in courtyards and vineyards," the center said, adding that there was more shooting in Orahovac on Tuesday.
     Serbian forces said they had repulsed a KLA bid to capture Orahovac and were in full control but the center was said to be too unsafe for reporters to visit, making independent verification of the situation impossible for the time being.
     Belgrade state television aired what it described as footage of Orahovac in its main evening news bulletin on Tuesday. The footage, including a brief panoramic shot from the air, showed the town quiet as two senior Serbian officials visited and spoke with dazed-looking residents.
     "Orahovac has been freed," the television reporter there said. Citizens asked the ministers for power supplies and telephone links damaged by fighting to be restored as soon as possible.
     Humanitarian aid sources said several thousand Albanian inhabitants of Orahovac or satellite villages had fled north into KLA-held territory where they collected in the overflowing village of Maljisevo.
     The Red Cross delivered two truckloads of medicine, hygiene packs and food to the area on Tuesday.
     Orahovac, where ethnic Albanians made up 80 percent of the peacetime population of 20,000, is 60 km (40 miles) southwest of the regional capital Pristina.

^REUTERS@
------------------------------------------------------------------------

At least 34 Albanians killed in latest battle

11:45 a.m. Jul 21, 1998 Eastern

PRISTINA, Serbia, July 21 (Reuters) - At least 34 Albanians have been killed in fighting for the town of Orahovac in the Serbian province of Kosovo, the ethnic Albanian Kosovo Information Centre (KIC) said on Tuesday.
     Shooting continued in Orahovac during the day, according to the KIC.
     Serbian forces said the day before they had regained full control of Orahovac in the embattled southwest of Kosovo despite sporadic sniping from pockets of Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) guerrillas.
     But the Serbs also said they were unable to take reporters into Orahovac because it was too dangerous in central locations, suggesting they had not entirely secured the area.
     Independent verification of events there was impossible for lack of foreign access.
     The KIC said it had received two accounts indicating that at least 34 ethnic Albanians had been killed in the Orahovac area in last two days. Some reported casualties were named.
     "They have been buried in courtyards and vineyards (in view of) the circumstances," the KIC report said.
     Many residents were now unable to leave Orahovac because it was too dangerous, it added.
     Humanitarian aid sources said earlier that several thousand Albanian inhabitants of Orahovac or satellite villages had fled north into KLA-held territory where they collected in the community of Malisevo.
     The KIC report also said two truckloads of detained Albanians had been taken by Serbian forces from Orahovac to Prizren on Monday night. Women and children were then freed.
     Serbian forces drove the KLA out of the centre of Orahovac on Sunday after two days of fighting in which the guerrillas tried to storm the police station and capture their first town in the five-month conflict.
     The town, where ethnic Albanians made up 80 percent of the peacetime population of 20,000, is 60 km (40 miles) southwest of the regional capital Pristina.
     It is close to the southern edge of a crescent of western Kosovo between Pristina and the border of Albania which is largely under the control of KLA fighters seeking independence from Serbia.
     The fighting for Orahovac and clashes between the Yugoslav army and KLA guerillas ambushed while trying to cross into Kosovo near Djeravica from training grounds in northern Albania evidently cost the highest casualties of the crisis.
     In Pristina on Tuesday, U.S. peace envoy Christopher Hill met ethnic Albanian political leader Ibrahim Rugova a day after holding talks with Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.
     Asked by reporters if he was optimistic, Hill said: "That would be too strong a statement. We are trying. We had good discussions with Milosevic in Belgrade yesterday -- I hope we will have good talks here."
     Serbian sources said a list of 17 names found in the pocket of a KLA guerrilla killed trying to cross into Yugoslavia from Albania contained the names of Islamic "mujahideen" volunteers.
     A photocopy of the list, dated July 12 and handwritten on a form with printed bilingual Albanian and English headings, identifies six of those named as Saudi Arabian.
     The Serbs are Eastern Orthodox Christians while the ethnic Albanians are nominally Moslem for the most part, although they are not a fervently religious people.
     The KLA has denied seeking the help of foreign Islamic fundamentalist fighters and insists that religious motives will not be allowed to taint its struggle for self-determination.

Copyright 1998 Reuters Limited. All rights reserved.

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] News: Explosions rock Macedonia
Datum:         Tue, 21 Jul 1998 14:39:43 -0400
    Von:         Sokol Rama <sokolrama@sprynet.com> _______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] INFO: KOSOVA FILE.
Datum:         Tue, 21 Jul 1998 15:09:29 -0400
    Von:         Sokol Rama <sokolrama@sprynet.com> _______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] NEWS: KOSOVA UPDATE, JULY 21, 1998
Datum:         Tue, 21 Jul 1998 14:58:13 -0400
    Von:         Sokol Rama <sokolrama@sprynet.com> _________________________________________________________________________
Background-information
_________________________________________________________________________
earlier news - so far as room is given by my provider on the server
_________________________________________________________________________
ALBANEWS is not affiliated with the Albanian Government, the Kosova Government, any association or organization, nor any information or news agency. Reports, articles and  news items from various sources are distributed via ALBANEWS for INFORMATIVE purposes only.
Opinions expressed/published on ALBANEWS do NOT necessarily reflect the views of the owner and the co-owners and/or moderators, nor any of their host institutions. ALBANEWS does NOT guarantee the accuracy of the reports, articles and news items distributed via the list.
_________________________________________________________________________
ALBANEWS listowner, co-owners and/or moderators can be contacted at:
ALBANEWS-request@listserv.acsu.buffalo.edu
__________________________Albanian Discussion List________________________
Archives: http://listserv.acsu.buffalo.edu/archives/albanian.html
_________________________________________________________________________
Die Bibel sagt 
      So spricht der HERR, der dich geschaffen hat: 
      Fuerchte dich nicht, 
      denn ich habe dich erloest; 
      ich habe dich bei deinem Namen gerufen; 
      du bist mein! 
       Jesaja 43, 1
      Luther-Bibel 1984
The Bible says 
      But now thus saith the LORD that created thee, 
      Fear not:  
      for I have redeemed thee,  
      I have called [thee] by thy name; 
      thou [art] mine. 
      Jesaja 43, 1
      Authorized Version 1769 (KJV)
 
Helft KOSOVA !  KOSOVA needs HELP !
   __________ALBANEWS: Albanian News and Information Network___________
   Archives  http://listserv.acsu.buffalo.edu/archives/albanews.html
   ____________________________________________________________________
   Koha Ditore (Prishtina)     http://www.kohaditore.com/ARTA/index.htm
   KCC (Kosova Crisis Center)  http://www.alb-net.com/html/kcc.html
   Kosova Information Center   http://www.kosova.com/
   Kosova Info Line (German)   http://www.dardania.com/kosova-info/
_______________________________________________________________________
BACK to PAGE ONE
_______________________________________________________________________
 
Wolfgang Plarre
   Homepage 
Inhaltsverzeichnis - Contents 

Seite erstellt am 22.7.1998 

Mail   senden
Dillinger Straße 41
86637 Wertingen
Telefon       08272 - 98974
Fax            08272 - 98975
E-mail  wplarre@dillingen.baynet.de