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Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] News: British Press, 6 August 98
Datum:         Thu, 6 Aug 1998 13:21:24 +0100
    Von:         Kosova Information Centre - London <kic-uk@kosova.demon.co.uk>

6 August 98
The Times

Serbs deny Kosovo mass graves claim

THE Belgrade authorities began a desperate damage-limitation exercise in Kosovo yesterday, attempting to quash persistent rumours of mass graves containing hundreds of bodies in the area around Orahovac, the southern town taken amid heavy fighting by police and troops two weeks ago.
It was public relations of a peculiarly Balkan kind: while rushing journalists to Orahovac, the press convoy passed through the former Kosovo Liberation Army headquarters of Malisevo, where police had just put the entire main street to the torch.
Had they passed a little earlier, journalists on the convoy would have seen uniformed policemen filling bottles with petrol and heading off to find more houses deemed suitable for burning. No international organisation has yet defined what is happening across central Kosovo as "ethnic cleansing", but the actions of the security forces certainly suggest that Albanians - and most of the villages being destroyed were wholly Albanian - are certainly not welcome.
However shocking the scenes of refugees in fields and the inferno in Malisevo, it was to a rubbish dump on the edge of the Muslim graveyard in Orahovac that the international press corps and Contact Group monitors gravitated.
The Austrian and German press yesterday carried the testimony of witnesses who claimed they had helped to load 567 bodies - 430 of them children - into lorries in the aftermath of the fighting in Orahovac.
The witnesses said they were forced by Serbian police units to bury the bodies. Some of the dead children were brought in rubbish sacks.
The alleged massacres occurred between July 18 and 21. The ethnic Albanian partisans of the KLA attacked and surrounded the town's police station on July 17. Next day, 700 troops from Serbia's Special Anti- Terrorist Unit (SAJ), arrived to reinforce the besieged Serb police and drove back the ethnic Albanians. That version seems to be accepted by all sides. Then, according to the witnesses, the Serb troops started to use civilians as human shields. The following day the SAJ went from house to house, rooting out families. About 25,000 fled in panic towards the town of Malisevo.
The Serbian-run Media Centre yesterday organised a group of reporters to visit the alleged graves. Journalists have so far found the rubbish dump, where yesterday we counted 25 wooden sticks with numbers, and in some cases names, scrawled on them. Other victims of the battle for Orahovac are buried in Prizren, a larger town 20 miles south on the Albanian border. So far no other alleged gravesites have been located. A European Union delegation said it had found no evidence of mass graves.
In Orahovac, Colonel Bozidar Filic, the regional police spokesman, angrily demanded to know why the international press was focusing on a story that may well be fictitious, while the fate of 57 Serbs who disappeared from Orahovac has been ignored. "It's not a garbage dump, it's next to the Muslim graveyard," he protested, confronted by questions about the apparent barbarity of the burials given to the Albanians who, according to police accounts, were KLA fighters killed in trenches around Orahovac.
"I know they have been buried in a proper way," said Colonel Filic. "Everyone was put in a separate grave." He said that altogether 58 Albanians had been killed in Orahovac, 40 of whom were buried in the town, and 11 in Prizren. The other seven were taken away by their families. The Serb total for those killed is only two fewer than the 60 claimed by the Albanian Council for Human Rights, casting further doubt on the witnesses' account.
To claim the Albanians had been buried in a "proper way" was clearly absurd; they had been bulldozed into hastily-dug pits in what certainly appeared to be a rubbish dump, sandwiched between the graveyard and a field of maize. An unbearable stench emanated from the bloated bodies of cattle dumped just behind the Albanian graves. Before the files are closed on Orahovac, however, what went on in the town's dervish lodge, or tekke, will have to be explained. The town has three Muslim sects, of which the 78-year-old leader of the main Halveti branch, Sheh Mihedim, was shot dead inside the courtyard of the tekke. Those close to the Sheh say he was always opposed to the KLA and had even tried to do a deal with Orahovac's Serb Mayor to ensure the safety of his people.
But witnesses among the Albanians now reluctantly returning to Orahovac say that several hundreds of his followers left the tekke only to be mown down by Serb machine-gun fire; they said the bodies were bulldozed from the streets shortly before the first convoy of journalists was brought to Orahovac two days after the fighting.
 

James Pettifer says Nato must talk to Albanian separatists
Killing fields of Kosovo

Kosovo, at harvest-time, is roasting alive. Yet, according to Politika, the Belgrade government newspaper, it has been a successful harvest this year. But it is a harvest of pain. Mass graves are being found. Cows riddled with machinegun bullets bellow in their death throes. Wooden houses lost in cornflowers are in ashes. Tens of thousands of people are refugees in the woods and will soon run out of food and water. The sweet smell of hay is lost in acrid smoke.
Nato must act. There has been enough delay and the Belgrade military planners think that public opinion has become used to war. Although the cleansing of Kosovo does not resemble the open savagery of Bosnia, it is no different. A dignified society of conservative, proud Albanian peasants, who asked no more than to farm their land, is being cleansed just as efficiently as the victims of the Bosnian killing fields five years ago.
But the same siren voices from the same official quarters are being heard again, saying that President Milosevic is the only man we can deal with, that he is such a good politician he will run Serbia for 500 years (if he lives that long). They say that he does not really intend to drive all the Albanians away in as great an act of ethnic cleansing as in Bosnia and he regards the Kosovo Liberation Army merely as "terrorists". And that makes everything different, it seems, in the West. Underlying this fallacy is the view that the Serbs have always been the Herrenvolk of the Balkans, and that we try to control them, while they control the region.
This is meretricious rubbish. It is a moral issue. At the heart of the Western "dilemma" about intervention is the alleged moral equivalent of the two sides. But they are not equivalent. The Serbs are fighting a colonial war in Kosovo. Few live there any more.
As a foreign correspondent in the region I have known the KLA for three years; it is not now some Marxist/Muslim conspiracy funded by drug barons in Switzerland. This is the stuff of John Buchan. The KLA is the Albanian population of Kosovo, no more, no less. It is made up of idealists, cynics, men, women, the old, the young, the desperate and the hopeful. So are all resistance movements. So was the TA regiment my father joined in the 1930s when he knew the time would come to fight Hitler. One of his officers was Jewish and wanted revenge on fascism.
Was that wrong? Shakespeare shows us that revenge can sometimes be the only form of justice.
The only KLA commander I know fights for justice. He is an Albanian who was dragooned into the Yugoslav Federal Army to slaughter for a Greater Serbia at Vukovar. His commander, a well-known Belgrade criminal, held a gun to his head when he protested. He and three friends shot this man dead, went on the run, and helped to found the KLA in Brussels. Unless you are a complete pacifist it is his nation he is trying to defend, and he fights in a just war. It is the Serb colonial police who have been killing civilians for years in Kosovo, inflicting painful, lonely deaths in dirty cells. The West has done nothing. This awkward legacy of official indifference has to be faced. Serbia needs to be rid of this burden, on demographic and practical grounds.
And the dogs of war are reappearing. The Serb military understands the Western media better than it did. It recognises that piles of dead bodies on the BBC and CNN, as there were in Sarajevo, is no solution. So a subtle strategy is followed. It is "made known" that the army will come. Villagers flee in terror and their houses and animals are destroyed. All this in an area of subsistence farming, where animals are life itself.
Then the dogs of war appear. Fridges and washing-machines are loaded on lorries, the fruits of hard Albanian work are driven to Serbia. And a few Albanians are shot, as examples, where the media do not see them. Cleansing is easy, efficient, and involves few casualties.
The other reasons for intervention concern pure Western self-interest. Some 180,000 refugees, 70,000 of them displaced in the past fortnight, are likely to flood into Western Europe. It is dotty to suppose that taking out the KLA will allow negotiations with Albanian moderates who will persuade the Kosovans to stay in Serbia. And it is not in Serbia's long-term interests to keep an Alabanian-dominated Kosovo; within 50 years Albanians could be a majority in Serbia. Serbia would be stronger without Kosovo.
After the past six weeks, no Albanian politician can stand for less than independence. Independence is the only course that will bring peace, with a transition period and internationally supervised guarantees for the Serb minority. The KLA is strong and has deep roots; it will not be beaten militarily. Perhaps there will be a Long March, which most guerrilla movements seem to need at some point. Perhaps the KLA will take issue with the former Communist Government in Tirana which is interrupting its weapons supplies. But the KLA is not going to disappear and the war will spread to Macedonia if Nato does not act. The West's eventual task will be much harder there.

Leading Article

EYES ON KOSOVO
Unrestricted international monitoring is more than ever vital

On July 21 the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was driven from the town of Orahovac. Thousands of Kosovo Albanians fled with them, joining the 180,000 estimated to have left or been forced from their homes since Serbia's crackdown began in February. Those who stayed behind have accused Serb forces of murdering hundreds of civilians and hiding the remains. No evidence so far confirms their claim that a site half a mile from Orahovac was a mass grave for more than 500 bodies, at least 400 of them children. Yesterday EU monitors inspected the site and announced that it probably contains no more than the 30-odd people who lie under simple markers; there are "no mass graves".
In Kosovo's propaganda war, where lurid accusations stem from deep- rooted prejudice, the monitors' report will change few local minds. The Kosovans will remain convinced that an atrocity took place; the Serbs, that despite this show of even-handedness, the international community is still against them. Mass graves may yet await discovery. But this incident highlights how important balanced assessment can be. And the basis of that assessment - free access - is under threat.
Slobodan Milosevic, the President of rump Yugoslavia and architect of the current repression in Kosovo, has agreed to allow international bodies unrestricted access to the province. He has failed to deliver.
Serbian authorities have consistently blocked attempts by UNHCR and the International Committee of the Red Cross to reach the refugees they know about, and to locate those they do not. Now a humanitarian crisis has begun. Ten per cent of the province's population have left their homes - 70,000 in the past week alone. The lucky ones have found shelter in farms ringed by trenches, stretching their kinsmen's capacity to provide. Every Serb attack makes people homeless for the second or third time, perhaps within weeks. Many have taken to the forests, where the Serbs will not go. It is the height of summer; food and water are in short supply; sanitation is non-existent. An epidemic among the defenceless will thoroughly discredit Belgrade's case.
Meanwhile, the EU's monitors have been restricted to where the Serbian Government feels it is safe for them to go. This has kept them out of areas where fighting was under way - as in Orahovac last month - and others where the Serbs are simply too embarrassed to have the limits of their control, and the breadth of the KLA's appeal, revealed. External observers have thus found it hard to verify each side's vehement accusations until after the fact, when there has been time to remove much of the evidence. Unrestricted access is vital to allow some of the more lurid atrocity stories to be countered as they begin to circulate.
This would be of benefit to both sides.
Above all, disclosure would make for restraint. Mr Milosevic does respond to international pressure; without the threat of Nato intervention his crackdown on the KLA would have been far bloodier. Nato is not ready to commit itself to intervention before a cohesive policy emerges, or a large-scale atrocity (such as Orahovac might yet be) demands a response. But the outside world can make sure that it alleviates the suffering. The EU and humanitarian organisations must insist on doing their work.
 

The Daily Telegraph

Serbs blast rebels amid denials of mass graves
By Philip Smucker in Orahovac

SERB forces continued to batter ethnic Albanian guerrilla strongholds in central and western Kosovo yesterday.
The town of Malisevo, once a bastion of the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army, was reported to be in flames, while Albanian sources said the Serbs were shelling the central village of Likovac.
European Union observers, meanwhile, denied press reports of mass graves containing hundreds of bodies near the south-western town of Orahovac.
The observers, who visited the town in response to the reports, said that 10 named graves had been found at the site of a battle last month between Serb forces and guerrillas.
However, they could not confirm a report in the Austrian newspaper Die Presse that graves containing 1,500 bodies, including those of 400 children, had been discovered there. Despite their denial, human remains were evident yesterday at a rubbish dump near Orahovac. Nearby was a bulldozer that villagers said had been used to push soil over the bodies of several hundred missing Albanian civilians.
Just down the road were several more sites with freshly turned soil. The same smell of rotting flesh wafted from piles of refuse. Serb policemen admitted that there was one "mass grave of 37 persons", but insisted that the bodies were those of guerrillas killed in battle, and not civilians massacred or executed, as Albanian residents have claimed in interviews.
A Serbian official said: "They had to be buried quickly because we don't have proper refrigeration." But he could not explain why the bodies had been bulldozed into a rubbish dump.
The choice of a dump is indicative of the hatred and disrespect that Kosovo's six-month guerrilla conflict has engendered. The bodies appeared to have been thrown in carelessly - in disregard for the Muslim tradition that the dead must face Mecca.
Residents of Orahovac have talked about a mass grave for days. Albanian politicians and residents say that no effort was made to return the bodies to their families. Several Orahovac citizens, interviewed over the past fortnight, said that the bodies were transported by tractors and then bulldozed into the earth along with rubble and dead animals from the battle.
They said that many of the Albanians had been killed when they tried to flee the fighting or had been summarily executed in their own courtyards by Serbian Ministry of Interior forces. Western reporters visiting the town during and after the battle found only pools of blood and several corpses. Accounts of how the bodies were buried were strikingly similar. One resident who said he witnessed the burials said: "They were buried by gipsies who drove the tractors, picked up the bodies and then manned the bulldozers. This is the most sickening thing I have ever seen." He claimed to have counted 567 bodies as they passed from the city to the outskirts of town and into the graves.
Reports of graves raise the spectre of the kind of mass killing of civilians - in places such as Srebrenica - that led to Nato intervention in Bosnia in 1995. The latest reports have emerged two weeks after Serbian government forces counter-attacked Albanian rebels who had tried to seize Orahovac. The guerrillas are battling for independence for Kosovo, a Serbian province where the population is 90 per cent ethnic Albanian.
Nato ambassadors will meet tomorrow to review developments in Kosovo. The alliance is fine-tuning a range of contingency peacemaking plans if asked to intervene.
 

The Independent

Inquiry into 'mass grave' in Kosovo

By Imre Karacs in Bonn and Andrew Marshall in Washington

The stinking rubbish dumps at the edge of Orahovac town in Kosovo may be hiding the latest victims of Serbian brutality. According to reports published yesterday in German, Austrian and Swedish newspapers, the Balkans' new killing fields conceal the bodies of 567 Albanians, including 430 children, massacred by the Serbian police.
Or, if the European Union observers hurriedly dispatched there yesterday are to be believed, perhaps no more than a few dozen Albanian fighters are interred there. "The observers have found no evidence of mass graves," said the Austrian spokesman of the mission, Walter Ebenberger. Mr Ebenberger had not gone to Orahovac, but had spoken to colleagues who had. They found graves marked with numbers, at the rubbish tip identified by Erich Rathfelder, whose shocking dispatch appeared in yesterday's Tageszeitung, a Berlin newspaper, and Die Presse, an Austrian daily.
According to his report, based on eyewitness accounts, up to 1,000 of the town's inhabitants were killed in the Serb onslaught between 18 and 21 July. The 700-strong detachment of Serb anti-terrorist forces used the local inhabitants as a human shield in their battle against the Kosovo Liberation Army.
Local grave-diggers told the journalist they had buried 567 in two mass graves dug at the dump. Bulldozers were used to level the ground, but some corpses could still be seen lying exposed on Tuesday.
Observers and journalists at the scene were able to confirm the existence of some makeshift graves, but what lies below the wooden crosses remains a mystery. The Serbs do not deny that some "50 Albanian extremists" had been killed and buried there in the course of last month's battles. But they have shown no inclination to allow international investigators to exhume the bodies.
Albanian sources were also confused by the reports. They had reckoned with 200 dead in the fighting, and had not heard of any massacres in the district.
"If there is any truth in these horrifying accounts, we must have a firm and united international response," said Robin Cook, the Foreign Secretary.
In the US, Congressional pressure is building for a display of force to stop the bloodshed in Kosovo. Republican Senator Alfonse D'Amato and Republican Representative Christopher Smith called yesterday for "immediate and decisive action" in a letter to President Bill Clinton.
The rising violence, increasing numbers of displaced people and the return of ethnic cleansing all demand military action, they said, on behalf of the Commission on Security and Co-operation in Europe. "We urge you to seek agreement within Nato to act directly against those within Kosovo who are attacking civilian populations," they added.
Nato ambassadors will meet tomorrow to discuss progress on military options for Kosovo. The organisation was asked in May to prepare plans for intervention.
On Tuesday, State Department spokesman Jamie Rubin said: "These plans are being both finalised and operationalised so that Nato will be in a position to act quickly if a political decision to do so is made."
 

The Guardian

Kosovo team fail to find mass graves
By Jonathan Steele
Thursday August 6, 1998

European Union observers found no evidence of the mass graves reported in the Kosovan town of Orahovac, the team's Austrian leader, Walter Ebenberger, said yesterday.
The team visited Orahovac after Swedish and Austrian newspapers reported eyewitness accounts of bodies being dumped there shortly after the Serbs regained control of the town two weeks ago.
"We have been out with one of our field teams," Mr Ebenberger said. "There are allegedly single graves with names [on them] but no mass graves."
A Reuters Television crew said they were shown a freshly ploughed patch of earth, covered with rubbish, at the edge of a Muslim cemetery where there was a strong smell of decaying bodies.
At the same site a Washington Post reporter, Jeffrey Smith, counted 12 thin wooden sticks with the markings "NN" carved with a knife, denoting to Serbian speakers that the identity of the bodies was unknown.
Farther down the path five more large areas had been excavated, each marked by a series of 21 larger wooden signs bearing a four-digit number and the name of a dead person.
"The presence of at least 33 fresh graves in Orahovac, reportedly dug on July 30, is not startling by itself," Mr Smith reported. "Serbian authorities have said 60 people died during three days of fighting between Serbs and ethnic Albanians in and around the city, beginning July 17, that ended with Serbian forces overrunning the city."
Orahovac, 30 miles south-west of Kosovo's capital Pristina, was the scene of fierce battles between Serb forces and the Kosovo Liberation Army, which is fighting for independence from Serb rule.
The number of victims is unclear because journalists, aid workers and diplomatic observers were barred from the town for several days after the battle ended.
Hundreds of people - virtually the town's entire Albanian population - fled in disarray, making it hard for survivors to be sure whether missing relatives were dead or alive. The Committee for the Protection of Human Rights in Pristina claimed that 60 civilians died in the fighting.
Veton Surroi, a prominent ethnic Albanian politician who visited the site on Tuesday, said that as many as 200 Albanians were killed, most of them in a mosque where they had taken refuge.
A report in the Austrian daily Die Presse claimed yesterday that fresh graves contained the bodies of more than 500 people, including children. Serbia's deputy information minister, Radmila Visic, denied the report. A Serb official said police had buried "a number of bodies" in the Orahovac area when they were not claimed for more than a week.
--
Kosova Information Centre - London

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] NEWS: KOSOVA UPDATE, AUGUST 06, 1998
Datum:         Thu, 6 Aug 1998 09:41:18 -0400
    Von:         Sokol Rama <sokolrama@sprynet.com>
NEWS: KOSOVA UPDATE, AUGUST 06, 1998

Taken without permission, for fair use only.

EYES ON KOSOVO-Unrestricted
     international monitoring is more than ever vital
OPINION-Killing fields of Kosovo
Albanians Assail Violence in Kosovo
Kosovo Rebels Adopt a Defensive Policy
Kosovo Albanians Fear for Lost Kin
Kosovo Strife Brings U.S. Warning to Serbs
Serbs deny Kosovo mass graves claim
EU Probes Reported Grave Site
U.N. aid convoy sets out for western Kosovo
___________________________________

THE LONDON TIMES
August 6 1998
LEADING ARTICLE

EYES ON KOSOVO
Unrestricted international monitoring is more than ever vital

On July 21 the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was driven from the town of Orahovac. Thousands of Kosovo Albanians fled with them, joining the 180,000 estimated to have left or been forced from their homes since Serbia's crackdown began in February. Those who stayed behind have accused Serb forces of murdering hundreds of civilians and hiding the remains. No evidence so far confirms their claim that a site half a mile from Orahovac was a mass grave for more than 500 bodies, at least 400 of them children. Yesterday EU monitors inspected the site and announced that it probably contains no more than the 30-odd people who lie under simple markers; there are "no mass graves".
     In Kosovo's propaganda war, where lurid accusations stem from deep-rooted prejudice, the monitors' report will change few local minds. The Kosovans will remain convinced that an atrocity took place; the Serbs, that despite this show of even-handedness, the international community is still against them. Mass graves may yet await discovery. But this incident highlights how important balanced assessment can be. And the basis of that assessment - free access - is under threat.
     Slobodan Milosevic, the President of rump Yugoslavia and architect of the current repression in Kosovo, has agreed to allow international bodies unrestricted access to the province. He has failed to deliver. Serbian authorities have consistently blocked attempts by UNHCR and the International Committee of the Red Cross to reach the refugees they know about, and to locate those they do not. Now a humanitarian crisis has begun. Ten per cent of the province's population have left their homes - 70,000 in the past week alone. The lucky ones have found shelter in farms ringed by trenches, stretching their kinsmen's capacity to provide. Every Serb attack makes people homeless for the second or third time, perhaps within weeks. Many have taken to the forests, where the Serbs will not go. It is the height of summer; food and water are in short supply; sanitation is non-existent. An epidemic among the defenceless will thoroughly discredit Belgrade's case.
     Meanwhile, the EU's monitors have been restricted to where the Serbian Government feels it is safe for them to go. This has kept them out of areas where fighting was under way - as in Orahovac last month - and others where the Serbs are simply too embarrassed to have the limits of their control, and the breadth of the KLA's appeal, revealed. External observers have thus found it hard to verify each side's vehement accusations until after the fact, when there has been time to remove much of the evidence. Unrestricted access is vital to allow some of the more lurid atrocity stories to be countered as they begin to circulate. This would be of benefit to both sides.
     Above all, disclosure would make for restraint. Mr Milosevic does respond to international pressure; without the threat of Nato intervention his crackdown on the KLA would have been far bloodier. Nato is not ready to commit itself to intervention before a cohesive policy emerges, or a large-scale atrocity (such as Orahovac might yet be) demands a response. But the outside world can make sure that it alleviates the suffering. The EU and humanitarian organisations must insist on doing their work.
__________________________________

THE LONDON TIMES
August 6 1998
OPINION
James Pettifer says Nato must talk to Albanian separatists

Killing fields of Kosovo

Kosovo, at harvest-time, is roasting alive. Yet, according to Politika, the Belgrade government newspaper, it has been a successful harvest this year. But it is a harvest of pain. Mass graves are being found. Cows riddled with machinegun bullets bellow in their death throes. Wooden houses lost in cornflowers are in ashes. Tens of thousands of people are refugees in the woods and will soon run out of food and water. The sweet smell of hay is lost in acrid smoke.
     Nato must act. There has been enough delay and the Belgrade military planners think that public opinion has become used to war. Although the cleansing of Kosovo does not resemble the open savagery of Bosnia, it is no different. A dignified society of conservative, proud Albanian peasants, who asked no more than to farm their land, is being cleansed just as efficiently as the victims of the Bosnian killing fields five years ago.
     But the same siren voices from the same official quarters are being heard again, saying that President Milosevic is the only man we can deal with, that he is such a good politician he will run Serbia for 500 years (if he lives that long). They say that he does not really intend to drive all the Albanians away in as great an act of ethnic cleansing as in Bosnia and he regards the Kosovo Liberation Army merely as "terrorists". And that makes everything different, it seems, in the West. Underlying this fallacy is the view that the Serbs have always been the Herrenvolk of the Balkans, and that we try to control them, while they control the region.
     This is meretricious rubbish. It is a moral issue. At the heart of the Western "dilemma" about intervention is the alleged moral equivalent of the two sides. But they are not equivalent. The Serbs are fighting a colonial war in Kosovo. Few live there any more.
     As a foreign correspondent in the region I have known the KLA for three years; it is not now some Marxist/Muslim conspiracy funded by drug barons in Switzerland. This is the stuff of John Buchan. The KLA is the Albanian population of Kosovo, no more, no less. It is made up of idealists, cynics, men, women, the old, the young, the desperate and the hopeful. So are all resistance movements. So was the TA regiment my father joined in the 1930s when he knew the time would come to fight Hitler. One of his officers was Jewish and wanted revenge on fascism. Was that wrong? Shakespeare shows us that revenge can sometimes be the only form of justice.
     The only KLA commander I know fights for justice. He is an Albanian who was dragooned into the Yugoslav Federal Army to slaughter for a Greater Serbia at Vukovar. His commander, a well-known Belgrade criminal, held a gun to his head when he protested. He and three friends shot this man dead, went on the run, and helped to found the KLA in Brussels. Unless you are a complete pacifist it is his nation he is trying to defend, and he fights in a just war. It is the Serb colonial police who have been killing civilians for years in Kosovo, inflicting painful, lonely deaths in dirty cells. The West has done nothing. This awkward legacy of official indifference has to be faced. Serbia needs to be rid of this burden, on demographic and practical grounds.
     And the dogs of war are reappearing. The Serb military understands the Western media better than it did. It recognises that piles of dead bodies on the BBC and CNN, as there were in Sarajevo, is no solution. So a subtle strategy is followed. It is "made known" that the army will come. Villagers flee in terror and their houses and animals are destroyed. All this in an area of subsistence farming, where animals are life itself.
     Then the dogs of war appear. Fridges and washing-machines are loaded on lorries, the fruits of hard Albanian work are driven to Serbia. And a few Albanians are shot, as examples, where the media do not see them. Cleansing is easy, efficient, and involves few casualties.
     The other reasons for intervention concern pure Western self-interest. Some 180,000 refugees, 70,000 of them displaced in the past fortnight, are likely to flood into Western Europe. It is dotty to suppose that taking out the KLA will allow negotiations with Albanian moderates who will persuade the Kosovans to stay in Serbia. And it is not in Serbia's long-term interests to keep an Alabanian-dominated Kosovo; within 50 years Albanians could be a majority in Serbia. Serbia would be stronger without Kosovo.
     After the past six weeks, no Albanian politician can stand for less than independence. Independence is the only course that will bring peace, with a transition period and internationally supervised guarantees for the Serb minority. The KLA is strong and has deep roots; it will not be beaten militarily. Perhaps there will be a Long March, which most guerrilla movements seem to need at some point. Perhaps the KLA will take issue with the former Communist Government in Tirana which is interrupting its weapons supplies. But the KLA is not going to disappear and the war will spread to Macedonia if Nato does not act. The West's eventual task will be much harder there.
__________________________________

Thursday August 6 7:14 AM EDT

Albanians Assail Violence in Kosovo

ISMET HADJARI Associated Press Writer

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - Citing the latest wave of Serb violence, the leader of Kosovo's Albanians and officials in neighboring Albania have issued fresh calls for outside intervention in the battered province.
     The pleas Wednesday came as international sentiments remained split over a possible military operation to try to halt the conflict, which U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke said has entered an "extraordinarily dangerous new phase."
     Serb sources said there was continued fighting today near the village of Crnoljevo and sporadic clashes near Junik, close to the Albanian border. The ethnic Albanians also claimed Serb forces shelled villages in the Drenica region, including Likovac, where U.S. envoy Christopher Hill met with Kosovo Liberation Army fighters last week.
     Holbrooke told CNN late Wednesday that the possibility of intervention is increasing dramatically as the Serbs press ahead with their offensive - despite promising last month to halt military operations against Kosovo's Albanians.
     The KLA is fighting for independence for Kosovo, a province in southern Serbia where ethnic Albanians represent 90 percent of the population. Serbia and the smaller republic of Montenegro make up the remainder of Yugoslavia.
     "It's time to use all measures for stopping the repression against thousands of innocent people who are staying in the mountains, hungry and defenseless," Albania's Foreign Ministry said late Wednesday.
     Serb authorities, whose forces are still sweeping through villages in a powerful offensive, acknowledged that they had killed dozens of ethnic Albanians in one grisly recent battle and then buried the unclaimed bodies. They angrily called media reports about mass graves a lie, however, and said all the dead were "terrorists."
     European Union monitors who visited the site at Orahovac, 30 miles southwest of Kosovo's capital, Pristina, said Wednesday they found no evidence of mass graves.
     But a furor continued over recent attacks that have emptied whole villages and killed civilians as well as KLA fighters.
     "Serb forces attack and kill unprotected people, systematically destroy and burn property of Albanians, which leads to the displacement of tens of thousands of Albanians," ethnic Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova said.
     Bujar Bukoshi, prime minister of the Kosovo Albanians' government-in-exile, appealed on Albanian television Wednesday for world leaders and humanitarian groups to "take all emergency measures to halt the genocide."
     While aid agencies were continuing efforts to provide help to the refugees, no military intervention appeared likely soon.
     Despite NATO's longstanding threat to step in, officials at NATO headquarters said this week that no military action was planned at this stage.
     Even Washington appeared to ease its position on intervention, according to German opposition candidate Gerhard Schroeder, who met with President Clinton on Wednesday.
     "We agreed that an intervention - if that were to happen at all - can and should only happen under the umbrella of the United Nations Security Council," Schroeder said.
     That would be a change of position for the United States. Defense Secretary William Cohen has said NATO doesn't need permission from the United Nations if it decides to use force in Kosovo.
     Holbrooke, the U.S. envoy, told BBC World Service television Wednesday: "The situation has entered an extraordinarily dangerous new phase. ... We are in the middle of a massive military offensive."
___________________________________

Kosovo Rebels Adopt a Defensive Policy

By R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, August 6, 1998; Page A24

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia, Aug. 5—Several commanders of an ethnic Albanian insurgent group battling the Yugoslav government in Kosovo said today the rebels have dropped their ambition of seizing additional territory. Their principal aim, they announced, will be to defend areas under their control and to help protect ethnic Albanian civilians from government attack.
     The Kosovo Liberation Army commanders spoke about the group's new policy at the dusty, barren site where the rebels have their headquarters in the Drenica region west of this capital, an area subjected to a fierce government military offensive in the past two weeks. The rebels have been trying to win Kosovo's independence from Serbia, Yugoslavia's dominant republic, but recent assaults by Yugoslav troops and Serbian police have dealt serious setbacks to the group.
     The new policy was forced by circumstances "created on the field," said a commander who declined to reveal his name but said his nom de guerre is "Snake." He accused security forces of trying to "destroy everything in their way and displace as many civilians as possible."
     Seated next to him on the grass outside the rebels' headquarters was Sylejman Selimi, who said he was a former Yugoslav army officer who commands all Kosovo Liberation Army forces in the Drenica region. Selimi said government security forces had advanced within a mile and a half of the headquarters. He said the government's strategy evidently was to shell a target from a distance and "then gradually test how far it can move."
     In the past few days, rebel forces in the Drenica region have been hit hard. The town of Lausa, where the group publicly acknowledged its existence and its ambitions, was conquered Tuesday by Serb-led forces after a lengthy barrage by mortar or artillery and Katyusha-class ground-to-ground rockets, according to Kosovo Liberation Army officials.
     Other rebel-held towns in the region also have been assaulted in the past few days. But the insurgent group still has not been driven underground, as evidenced by the scores of rebel checkpoints and military police on highways and back roads across the area.
     Some of those wounded at Lausa or other villages have been taken to a makeshift hospital run by the Kosovo Liberation Army, at a site that the group insisted not be disclosed. There, a white-coated doctor said he lacked proper serums, antibiotics, vaccinations, sedatives, painkillers and fever-reducing drugs.
     "We have only penicillin -- that's it. There is a great fear of an epidemic spreading, because of the conditions," said the doctor, who declined to give his name.
     Inside the hospital were two children who were seriously wounded in the fighting. One, a boy, 11, said he had been shot four weeks ago by a sniper while tending his family's cattle, with the bullet entering his mouth and exiting through the side of his neck. The doctor said that the boy still needs a series of operations and that he will never be able to chew again.
     The other wounded child was a girl named Ardiana, who said she had been struck in the leg by artillery fire. When a visitor tried to question her further, she began to cry.
     Despite the obvious toll the battles are taking on civilians, Selimi and Snake said they intend to continue fighting. "We can't go anywhere else," Snake said with a fatalistic tone. "There are a lot of places that have been burned and destroyed, but life has gone on and been rebuilt, such as Berlin."
     The Kosovo Liberation Army recently has included several thousand hard-core fighters plus thousands of armed villagers who take orders from the organization. But it remains unclear to foreign diplomats in the region whether the latest spate of fighting will cause ethnic Albanians to become war-weary or angry and embittered, and thus whether the rebel ranks will diminish or swell.
     Other rebel leaders have complained privately that fresh recruits cannot be trained properly before being sent into battle because the group needs all the field support it can get. But Snake said that his group "is only getting stronger and becoming more consolidated in the fighting. . . . Every army gets professionalized and stronger on the field. . . . They can take these territories, but we will regain them. This is just a momentary situation."
     As he spoke, a cow wandered over and began chewing on the grass a few feet from where the two men were seated. The thud of artillery could be heard on a distant hillside, and a stream of cars carrying various field commanders screeched into the headquarters compound for a daily scheduled meeting. The visitor was asked to leave in a hurry because shells might soon be landing nearby.

© Copyright 1998 The Washington Post Company
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August 6, 1998

Kosovo Albanians Fear for Lost Kin

By MIKE O'CONNOR

ORAHOVAC, Yugoslavia -- In a remote onion field on a hill overlooking this city Wednesday, a thin blond woman knelt at a 6-foot-long mound of earth, then laid her cheek on the grave. With tears welling, she began to stroke the earth where it covered the dead person's chest and said, "He is my brother."
     "He was killed here, but six others were executed on the other side of the field, and when they came to get the bodies and hide them they did not see my brother," she said. "My uncle buried him where we found him." She explained that the family was afraid to give him a proper burial because they did not want to attract the attention of the Serbian authorities.
     The woman, her family and many other ethnic Albanians returning to Kosovo province after having fled government forces are finding that family members and friends are missing. Although many of those considered missing may still be hiding in the mountains, those who have returned say they fear that the others have been arrested or even killed.
     In the onion field there were six spots that bore evidence of having held decomposing bodies, but who was in the graves, how they died and where the bodies were taken remain a mystery.
     On a hill outside the city, on a garbage dump across from the cemetery, there are crude markers for what appear to be about 40 new graves. A large mechanical back-hoe stands at the cemetery on a field of excavated earth that could cover other bodies as well as garbage. Serbian authorities said the graves held bodies, most of them unidentified, that were found after they recaptured the city from ethnic Albanian rebels.
     Another woman in Orahovac said her husband had been killed by the Serbs and was buried in a mass grave. The woman, like every ethnic Albanian interviewed, refused to give her name, citing fear of the Serbian authorities. She said, "He was taken from our home while I was gone. We have three children. Everyone knows what happened to him, many people saw it. His body was on one of those tractor wagons they took away."
     However sincere the woman's belief may be that her husband was murdered and secretly buried, when pressed she could not remember anyone who saw his death or saw a wagon filled with bodies.
     For that matter, not one of her 16 neighbors and relatives, all of whom seemed certain that a missing family member had been murdered, had spoken with anyone who saw the killing or the body.
     Tens of thousands of ethnic Albanians, their terror fueled by their conviction that the government soldiers are killing civilians, are still scattered in forests, hiding. Aid organizations say the challenge of getting food, water and medical supplies to the refugees is so great they fear many may die from something as simple as dehydration or from an epidemic brought on by unsanitary conditions. Even knowing these dangers, many refugees say they will not return to their homes as long as government forces control the area.
     For those who do come home, the atmosphere in the city is thick with fear. The Serbian forces' reputation for wanton brutality is being reinforced these days by a wave of looting and house-burning in the areas they have retaken from the rebels. Serbian authorities say they want ethnic Albanians to feel free to return home, but tough-looking police officers in civilian clothes lurk on corners to harass citizens, adding to their terror.
     "We came back, but we are now prisoners in our homes because if we go out they will beat us or kill us," said a man hiding in a small room off a courtyard behind a tiny door on a back street. "I came back because they said we would be safe and I brought all my family, 22 people. But the police took me to the station and from seven in the morning until 11, every officer there had a turn at beating me."
     Here in Orahovac, the number of looted homes and shops has grown dramatically in the 16 days that Serbian police have had control. New fires sprouted up hourly Wednesday in the surrounding villages, burning homes to which ethnic Albanians will not be returning.
     In the town of Malisevo, which was a rebel headquarters until it was captured by government forces July 28, much of the central area is burned and every shop still standing appears to have been looted. In the mountains around Malisevo, ethnic Albanians who fled before the town fell can see the smoke from their burning homes.
     The new areas under government control are marked as much by house fires and looted homes as they are by the slouching, hostile Serbian police officers on patrol. In a small village where seven homes were burning or in cinders, a police officer opened fire on, but missed hitting, a journalist examining a looted house.
     A fire truck, with soldiers riding on top, rolled through the area past burning homes, carrying a load of watermelons.
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August 6, 1998

Kosovo Strife Brings U.S. Warning to Serbs

By STEVEN ERLANGER

WASHINGTON -- Faced with a step-up in violence against civilians in the southern Serbian province of Kosovo and reports of a new mass grave, the Clinton administration warned President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia Wednesday, in stronger terms than before, that his tactics are unacceptable and could prompt NATO air strikes against him.
     Senior American officials said the warning was delivered as a personal message from Secretary of State Madeleine Albright to Milosevic by an American diplomat, Christopher Hill. They emphasized that NATO and the Pentagon are working quickly to finish plans for limited air strikes that could take place, if ordered, within a week or 10 days.
     But since NATO has not carried out any earlier threats over Kosovo, Milosevic may not take this warning seriously. He already has accomplished his aim of striking a serious blow to the ethnic Albanian insurgency in Kosovo.
     "The problem of the day is how to be credible," said one senior American official. "But there is a lot of serious military planning now going on to create more realistic and flexible ways to use air power against Serb forces."
     Milosevic is also likely to have taken heart by the removal from Kosovo policy of the American special envoy, Robert Gelbard, who advocated a tough line against the Yugoslav president.
     Gelbard was ordered by the White House and Albright to stick to Bosnia, officials said. They explained the shift by the approach of important countrywide elections next month in Bosnia, and said too much of Gelbard's time was being spent on Kosovo and not enough on Bosnia.
     But some officials said Gelbard's shift was also a function of his sometimes impolitic advocacy of a tough stance toward Milosevic as the main destructive influence in the region, a stance that encompassed the threat of force. But the White House has not been eager to get involved militarily in another part of the Balkans, its NATO allies are split and some of them want a U.N. Security Council resolution authorizing any action, which Moscow pledges to veto.
     Kosovo policy is now more clearly in the hands of Richard Holbrooke, the nominee for chief delegate to the United Nations, and his longtime collaborator, Hill, now the ambassador to Macedonia. Hill is said to be making some progress with the ethnic Albanians in establishing a 15-member executive council, under the titular leadership of Ibrahim Rugova and containing key members of the Kosovo Liberation Army, that would represent Kosovo in negotiations with Milosevic for a form of self-government within Yugoslavia.
     Holbrooke is known to consider Milosevic, despite all his faults, as a necessary collaborator to ensure the success of the Bosnian settlement.
     An independent Kosovo, as the ethnic Albanians want and the West opposes, could undermine the idea of a multiethnic Bosnia within established borders, and destroy the accord, senior White House officials say.
     That view carries some irony, the officials admit, since Kosovo was left out of the Dayton talks that settled the Bosnia crisis. "So few people believed at the time that Dayton would succeed, Kosovo was seen as a complicating issue and was put aside for later," one official said.
     American officials say they have Chechnya in mind as a model. While formally remaining a part of the Russian Federation, the Chechens fought their way to a political deal with Russia that gives them effective self-government and control over their own judiciary, education and security.
     But officials acknowledge that Milosevic's campaign of terror against ethnic Albanians -- burning villages and driving over 10 percent of the population of 2 million people from their homes -- has made it more difficult for Kosovar leaders to agree on a joint negotiating stance.
     Albright is planning a trip to the region at the end of this month, officials said.
     Next month's elections "are a chance to consolidate the gains in Bosnia, and Gelbard's done a good job in Bosnia," another official said. "There's a real concern that we're losing focus on Bosnia, and if the elections go badly we'll be there forever."
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THE TIMES

Serbs deny Kosovo mass graves claim

AUGUST 06, 1998

THE Belgrade authorities began a desperate damage-limitation exercise in Kosovo yesterday, attempting to quash persistent rumours of mass graves containing hundreds of bodies in the area around Orahovac, the southern town taken amid heavy fighting by police and troops two weeks ago.
     It was public relations of a peculiarly Balkan kind: while rushing journalists to Orahovac, the press convoy passed through the former Kosovo Liberation Army headquarters of Malisevo, where police had just put the entire main street to the torch.
     Had they passed a little earlier, journalists on the convoy would have seen uniformed policemen filling bottles with petrol and heading off to find more houses deemed suitable for burning. No international organisation has yet defined what is happening across central Kosovo as "ethnic cleansing", but the actions of the security forces certainly suggest that Albanians - and most of the villages being destroyed were wholly Albanian - are certainly not welcome.

<Picture>
Houses burn in the village of Malisevo after being set alight by Serbian police
Photograph: AP

However shocking the scenes of refugees in fields and the inferno in Malisevo, it was to a rubbish dump on the edge of the Muslim graveyard in Orahovac that the international press corps and Contact Group monitors gravitated.
     The Austrian and German press yesterday carried the testimony of witnesses who claimed they had helped to load 567 bodies - 430 of them children - into lorries in the aftermath of the fighting in Orahovac.
     The witnesses said they were forced by Serbian police units to bury the bodies. Some of the dead children were brought in rubbish sacks.
     The alleged massacres occurred between July 18 and 21. The ethnic Albanian partisans of the KLA attacked and surrounded the town's police station on July 17. Next day, 700 troops from Serbia's Special Anti-Terrorist Unit (SAJ), arrived to reinforce the besieged Serb police and drove back the ethnic Albanians. That version seems to be accepted by all sides. Then, according to the witnesses, the Serb troops started to use civilians as human shields. The following day the SAJ went from house to house, rooting out families. About 25,000 fled in panic towards the town of Malisevo.
     The Serbian-run Media Centre yesterday organised a group of reporters to visit the alleged graves. Journalists have so far found the rubbish dump, where yesterday we counted 25 wooden sticks with numbers, and in some cases names, scrawled on them. Other victims of the battle for Orahovac are buried in Prizren, a larger town 20 miles south on the Albanian border. So far no other alleged gravesites have been located. A European Union delegation said it had found no evidence of mass graves.
     In Orahovac, Colonel Bozidar Filic, the regional police spokesman, angrily demanded to know why the international press was focusing on a story that may well be fictitious, while the fate of 57 Serbs who disappeared from Orahovac has been ignored. "It's not a garbage dump, it's next to the Muslim graveyard," he protested, confronted by questions about the apparent barbarity of the burials given to the Albanians who, according to police accounts, were KLA fighters killed in trenches around Orahovac.
     "I know they have been buried in a proper way," said Colonel Filic. "Everyone was put in a separate grave."
     He said that altogether 58 Albanians had been killed in Orahovac, 40 of whom were buried in the town, and 11 in Prizren. The other seven were taken away by their families. The Serb total for those killed is only two fewer than the 60 claimed by the Albanian Council for Human Rights, casting further doubt on the witnesses' account.
     To claim the Albanians had been buried in a "proper way" was clearly absurd; they had been bulldozed into hastily-dug pits in what certainly appeared to be a rubbish dump, sandwiched between the graveyard and a field of maize. An unbearable stench emanated from the bloated bodies of cattle dumped just behind the Albanian graves.
     Before the files are closed on Orahovac, however, what went on in the town's dervish lodge, or tekke, will have to be explained. The town has three Muslim sects, of which the 78-year-old leader of the main Halveti branch, Sheh Mihedim, was shot dead inside the courtyard of the tekke. Those close to the Sheh say he was always opposed to the KLA and had even tried to do a deal with Orahovac's Serb Mayor to ensure the safety of his people.
     But witnesses among the Albanians now reluctantly returning to Orahovac say that several hundreds of his followers left the tekke only to be mown down by Serb machine-gun fire; they said the bodies were bulldozed from the streets shortly before the first convoy of journalists was brought to Orahovac two days after the fighting.
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EU Probes Reported Grave Site

Reuters
Thursday, August 6, 1998;

VIENNA, Aug. 5—European Union observers sent to the Kosovo town of Orahovac today were unable to say exactly how many bodies were buried at a garbage dump outside the town without further investigation but said they found no immediate evidence of reported mass graves there
     Austrian, German and Swedish newspapers said graves containing more than 500 corpses had been found at the dump about 700 yards from the town, where Serbian forces routed separatist Albanian guerrillas last month. At least 60 civilians were killed in three days of fighting, according to the Committee for the Protection of Human Rights, based in Pristina, Kosovo's capital.
     "The observers were at the site mentioned in the reports, and they saw a patch of freshly dug earth big enough to hold up to 50 bodies but certainly not 500," said an Austrian Foreign Ministry official, whose country holds the EU rotating presidency. "But they could not accurately determine how many bodies were buried there because they were not allowed to dig."
     The mission may apply to the Serbian authorities for authorization to dig at the site.

© Copyright 1998 The Washington Post Company
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Thursday August 6 8:34 AM EDT

U.N. aid convoy sets out for western Kosovo

PRISTINA, Serbia (Reuters) - A United Nations aid convoy set out for Malisevo in western Kosovo Thursday, hoping Serbian authorities would let it through to ease the plight of thousands of ethnic Albanian refugees.
     "We have bent over backward to comply with the regulations demanded by the authorities," said Richard Floyer-Acland, a field officer of the UNHCR, the U.N. refugee agency. "So we expect it to go smoothly."
     The convoy left Pristina loaded with 10 tons of flour, 1,000 food parcels, baby clothes and badly needed items such as disinfectant, aid workers said.
     There were also toys "to keep up morale," one said.
     Tens of thousands of people have fled their homes in Kosovo, a Serbian province with a 90 percent ethnic Albanian majority that has been torn apart by a six-month separatist uprising.
     They are scattered across hillsides and farms, afraid to go home as fighting continues between Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) guerrillas and Serbian security forces.
     Western observers say many houses deserted by the refugees have been burned, making return impossible

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Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] press: DOUBLE-DEALING IN KOSOVA By Eric Margolis
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Background-information
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Die Bibel sagt 
      Lebt als Kinder des Lichts; 
      die Frucht des Lichts ist lauter 
      Güte und Gerechtigkeit und Wahrheit.  
        Epheser 5, 8b.9
    Luther-Bibel 1984
The Bible says 
      Walk as children of light: 
      For the fruit of the Spirit [is] in all 
      goodness and righteousness and truth.
     
      Epheser 5, 8b.9
    Authorized Version 1769 (KJV)
 
Helft KOSOVA !  KOSOVA needs HELP !
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