Anthony Loyd in Lodje runs into multilingual graduates who love the rebel cause and would hate to appear 'uncultured'
'Foreign legion' returns home for Kosovo fight
THE shooting was long overdue when it came, and
afforded almost a relief after the nerve-grinding drive through no man's
land.
A little puff of smoke from the barricade and
a thwack marked the first bullet as well as the signal for the start of
an agonising 20-point turn as our woman driver attempted to turn the car
around.
An unseen fighter on a flank added further impetus
with his Kalashnikov, and though it was hard to tell if the gunfire was
intended to be punitive or merely in warning we grinned out of the windows,
raising our hands to show that we had no weapons.
Under these circumstances, I expected the armed
men who approached us to be hostile, villagers incapable of any more communication
than the language of the gun.
To my surprise, they proved to be urbane, cosmopolitan
individuals whose education had continued for years after my own had ended.
They even began to smile with embarrassment as they neared, awkward perhaps
over what social introduction to make after having first shot at us.
Salja was the first to speak. A 26-year-old lawyer
whose English was perfect, he had graduated initially in economics before
travelling throughout Europe and studying law. Since the beginning of the
Kosovo crisis in March he remained in Lodje, his birthplace, joining the
nascent Kosovo Liberation Army to take up arms against the Serbs. "There
may be time for law again later," he said. "But as you can see we stand
here now, in our own land. We have nowhere else to go and we are ready
to die."
He was joined by Rexhep, a hotelier who had learned
his profession in Düsseldorf, where he had learnt to speak fluent
German, as well as passable English and Italian.
Rexhep wore camouflage battle dress and his chest
was criss-crossed with bandoliers of Kalashnikov ammunition and grenades,
projecting an image far removed from that of the early spring when the
KLA was all but unseen and armed with shotguns and pistols.
Rexhep owned two cars, a restaurant and house
in Lodje. We had passed them on our journey across the lines: Serb shellfire
the previous day had reduced the lot to twisted metal and blackened rubble.
"I had no previous military experience," the hotelier said. "But the past
three months have been a time of quick learning and as a force we are stronger
by the day. Sometimes we have a problem in getting anti-tank weapons, but
sometimes not." As Serb artillery rumbled menacingly in the mountains above
us, a runner returned with an officer. Almost inevitably, the 30-year-old
commander, who due to his previous military experience in the Yugoslav
National Army had been sent to Lodje three days previously to establish
a defensive line, was a mechanical engineer and was working until last
spring in Finland.
He spoke four languages fluently, in addition
to possessing a working knowledge of several others. Though good-humoured,
he explained that a recent order had stipulated that under no circumstances
were foreigners to be taken inside KLA positions.
"It is war now, and we cannot trust anybody.
The Serbs have many spies.
At this moment in time I cannot trust my father
or mother," he added smiling. "And certainly not my wife, who I have left
in Scandinavia."
He said that it was possible we had secret transmitters
to the Serbs hidden among our possessions. But when we offered to be searched,
the hotelier, the lawyer and the engineer looked horrified. "Oh, we couldn't
possibly do that," the officer said. "It would be most uncultured". This
conflict, itself a strange affair that so far sits between peace and all-out
war, has many paradoxes.
And it seemed not a little ironic as we travelled
back to the Serb lines that we were leaving behind an insurgent army whose
growth, so far unchecked by one of Eastern Europe's most powerful armies,
must be among the fastest in contemporary times. It is a force fronted
by a returning diaspora of multilingual graduates who are quite prepared
to shoot at strangers, yet balk at searching them because it would be "uncultured".
--
Kosova Information Centre - London
JULY 14, 1998
1- U.S. BELIEVES FOOD SHORTAGE IN KOSOVO IS ARTIFICIAL.
2- TRANSCRIPT: PENTAGON DAILY BRIEFING, EXCERPTS.
3- Commission on Security and Cooperation in
Europe :Kosovo Briefing Announced
__________________________________________________________
14 July 1998
TEXT: U.S. BELIEVES FOOD SHORTAGE IN KOSOVO IS ARTIFICIAL
(U.S. expects Milosevic to honor his commitment) (240)
Washington -- State Department spokesman James
Rubin reported July 14 that the United States has reason to believe that
there is an artificial shortage of basic food and other supplies in Kosovo.
Rubin said, "We have
raised our concerns about a food embargo with senior FRY ["Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia"] and Serbian officials.... In keeping with his commitment
to allow unfettered access of humanitarian supplies, we expect President
Milosevic will not hamper the local populations' access to food and basic
commercial commodities."
Following is the text of the State Department
release:
(Begin text)
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
July 14, 1998
STATEMENT BY JAMES P. RUBIN, SPOKESMAN
KOSOVO: ARTIFICIAL SHORTAGE OF COMMERCIAL COMMODITIES
United States has reason to believe there is an
artificial shortage of basic food and other supplies in Kosovo. We have
seen this kind of intimidation tactic before and condemn such action as
a violation of human rights. We have raised our concerns about a food embargo
with senior FRY ["Federal Republic of Yugoslavia"] and Serbian officials.
In keeping with his
commitment to allow unfettered access of humanitarian supplies, we expect
President Milosevic will not hamper the local populations' access to food
and basic commercial commodities.
The United States is
monitoring the development of the situation closely. We intend to hold
Milosevic to this commitment in this regard.
(End text)
__________________________________________________________
14 July 1998
TRANSCRIPT: PENTAGON DAILY BRIEFING, JULY 14, 1998
EXCERPTS
(Defense Threat Reduction Agency, China/satellites, Year 2000 bug, Lockheed-Northrop merger, International Criminal Court, Linda Tripp, Japan, Kosovo, Yeltsin, Jones/Senate, Cyprus, Special Forces/training, Special Forces/Pakistan, Israel/nuclear weapons)
Pentagon Spokesman Kenneth Bacon briefed.
Following is the Defense Department transcript:
(begin transcript)
DoD News Briefing
Tuesday, July 14, 1998 -- 2:10 p.m. Mr. Kenneth
H. Bacon, ASD PA
EXCERPTS
....................
Q: Can you bring us up to speed on Kosovo, what's going on on the ground there, as well as any NATO considerations of military options in and around the region.
A: NATO is still considering a range of options.
It hasn't completed that consideration yet. I think what's changed in Kosovo
over the last few weeks is the appreciation of the complexity of the problem.
Several weeks ago people thought of the problem as almost one-sided. It
was a problem of Yugoslavian police or military forces attacking Kosovar
Albanians. What has become clear in the last couple of weeks is the Kosovar
Albanians have become more energetic in their independence movement and
more energetic in their own military activities. This is something that
was addressed by Mr. Holbrooke when he was over there. It's one of the
reasons he met with the Kosovar Albanians, the KLA forces, Kosovar Liberation
Army forces. It's one of the issues that is being reviewed now by the contact
group and others.
So one, there has been,
I think, an appreciation of the greater complexity of the situation on
the ground. Two, the NATO planning on military options continues. And three,
everybody is still looking for a diplomatic solution. We think that's the
right way to go. The contact group met I guess about a week ago now. I
don't know when they plan to have another meeting, but certainly we're
interested in pursuing diplomatic options, and our European partners in
the contact group are as well.
Q: The situation on the ground has changed markedly, as it apparently has. The Kosovar Albanians have become a major fighting force. What's the point of doing military contingency planning based on a situation which has changed entirely?
A: I guess you're assuming that the planners don't realize the changed circumstances.
Q: Are they doing different kinds?
A: They clearly are aware that the circumstances
have changed. One of the advantages of contingency planning is that you
usually plan for more than one contingency. But the more contingencies
you have to plan for, the longer the planning takes, which is one of the
reasons why NATO planners have been hard at this for the last month and
may still have some time to go. It's also a reason why a diplomatic solution
remains the preferred outcome here.
............
__________________________________________________________
Tuesday July 14, 1:31 pm Eastern Time
Company Press Release
SOURCE: Commission on Security and Cooperation
in Europe
Kosovo Briefing Announced
WASHINGTON, July 14 /PRNewswire/ -- The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe today announced the forthcoming briefing:
•Negotiations, Conflict Resolution and the Kosovo
Crisis •Thursday, July 16
•10:00 a.m. - 12:00 noon •Room 340, Cannon House
Office Building
The panel will be composed of a delegation of experts from the U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP), which recently conducted a workshop on conflict resolution in Bulgaria for 20 Kosovar Albanian leaders and activists. The goal of the workshop was to improve the negotiation skills of the participants -- some of whom have direct involvement in the work of the Kosovar team seeking a genuine dialogue with Yugoslav authorities -- and to discuss how to find non- violent options for Kosovo's future.
Panelists will include: Harriet Hentges, Executive Vice President ë COO, USIP; The Honorable Daniel Serwer, Senior Fellow, USIP, special envoy for the Bosnian Federation, 1994-96; Jaco Cilliers, Training Specialist, USIP; and, The Honorable John Menzies, Senior Fellow, USIP, U.S. Ambassador to Bosnia- Herzegovina, October 1995-December 1996.
The ongoing conflict in Kosovo is resulting in a growing humanitarian crisis and threatens stability in South-Central Europe as a whole. For both reasons, finding ways to end the conflict in Kosovo will be a priority for U.S. foreign policy.
SOURCE: Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
NEWS: KOSOVA UPDATE, JULY 15, 1998
_______________________________________________
Taken without permission, for fair use only.
OSCE delegation in Yugoslavia
'Foreign legion' returns home for Kosovo fight
Kosovo Guerrillas Recruit in City
Muslim organisation offers help in Kosovo crisis
_______________________________________________
Wednesday, July 15, 1998 Published at 12:10 GMT 13:10 UK
OSCE delegation in Yugoslavia
The Organisation for Security and Cooperation
in Europe, the OSCE, has sent a delegation to Yugoslavia to discuss its
membership status.
The country has beensuspended
from the organisation since 1992.
Talks during the week-long
visit will concentrate on the creation of permanent OSCE missions in Yugoslavia,
including in the troubled province of Kosovo.
The delegation will
also discuss the role of the OSCE-appointed mediator, Felipe Gonzalez,
who's so far been rejected by Yugoslavia.
The organisation sees
these as conditions for re-admitting Yugoslavia.
The delegation will
also visit Kosovo for talks with the leaders of the province's Albanian
majority.
From the newsroom of the BBC World Service
_______________________________________________
THE TIMES
July 15 1998 EUROPE
Anthony Loyd in Lodje runs into multilingual graduates who love the rebel cause and would hate to appear 'uncultured'
'Foreign legion' returns home for Kosovo fight
THE shooting was long overdue when it came, and
afforded almost a relief after the nerve-grinding drive through no man's
land.
A little puff of smoke
from the barricade and a thwack marked the first bullet as well as the
signal for the start of an agonising 20-point turn as our woman driver
attempted to turn the car around.
An unseen fighter on
a flank added further impetus with his Kalashnikov, and though it was hard
to tell if the gunfire was intended to be punitive or merely in warning
we grinned out of the windows, raising our hands to show that we had no
weapons.
Under these circumstances,
I expected the armed men who approached us to be hostile, villagers incapable
of any more communication than the language of the gun.
To my surprise, they
proved to be urbane, cosmopolitan individuals whose education had continued
for years after my own had ended. They even began to smile with embarrassment
as they neared, awkward perhaps over what social introduction to make after
having first shot at us.
Salja was the first
to speak. A 26-year-old lawyer whose English was perfect, he had graduated
initially in economics before travelling throughout Europe and studying
law. Since the beginning of the Kosovo crisis in March he remained in Lodje,
his birthplace, joining the nascent Kosovo Liberation Army to take up arms
against the Serbs.
"There may be time for
law again later," he said. "But as you can see we stand here now, in our
own land. We have nowhere else to go and we are ready to die."
He was joined by Rexhep,
a hotelier who had learned his profession in Düsseldorf, where he
had learnt to speak fluent German, as well as passable English and Italian.
Rexhep wore camouflage
battle dress and his chest was criss-crossed with bandoliers of Kalashnikov
ammunition and grenades, projecting an image far removed from that of the
early spring when the KLA was all but unseen and armed with shotguns and
pistols.
Rexhep owned two cars,
a restaurant and house in Lodje. We had passed them on our journey across
the lines: Serb shellfire the previous day had reduced the lot to twisted
metal and blackened rubble. "I had no previous military experience," the
hotelier said. "But the past three months have been a time of quick learning
and as a force we are stronger by the day. Sometimes we have a problem
in getting anti-tank weapons, but sometimes not." As Serb artillery rumbled
menacingly in the mountains above us, a runner returned with an officer.
Almost inevitably, the 30-year-old commander, who due to his previous military
experience in the Yugoslav National Army had been sent to Lodje three days
previously to establish a defensive line, was a mechanical engineer and
was working until last spring in Finland.
He spoke four languages
fluently, in addition to possessing a working knowledge of several others.
Though good-humoured, he explained that a recent order had stipulated that
under no circumstances were foreigners to be taken inside KLA positions.
"It is war now, and
we cannot trust anybody. The Serbs have many spies. At this moment in time
I cannot trust my father or mother," he added smiling. "And certainly not
my wife, who I have left in Scandinavia."
He said that it was
possible we had secret transmitters to the Serbs hidden among our possessions.
But when we offered to be searched, the hotelier, the lawyer and the engineer
looked horrified. "Oh, we couldn't possibly do that," the officer said.
"It would be most uncultured". This conflict, itself a strange affair that
so far sits between peace and all-out war, has many paradoxes.
And it seemed not a
little ironic as we travelled back to the Serb lines that we were leaving
behind an insurgent army whose growth, so far unchecked by one of Eastern
Europe's most powerful armies, must be among the fastest in contemporary
times. It is a force fronted by a returning diaspora of multilingual graduates
who are quite prepared to shoot at strangers, yet balk at searching them
because it would be "uncultured".
_______________________________________________
Tuesday July 14 5:15 PM EDT
Kosovo Guerrillas Recruit in City
ADAM BROWN Associated Press Writer
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - After gains in the
rugged countryside, Kosovo's ethnic Albanian guerrillas are now recruiting
youth in the provincial capital with cryptic phone calls and whispers in
sidewalk cafes.
"You know who we are.
We will need you soon," a recent high school graduate quoted an anonymous
caller as saying.
Another young ethnic
Albanian said callers asked him what he could contribute to the struggle
between the Kosovo Liberation Army and the Serb-led government.
"They called a lot of
people in my neighborhood," he said.
Both spoke on condition
of anonymity, fearing arrest or harassment by Serb authorities.
On the surface, this
provincial capital of concrete apartment blocks, coffee bars and flirting
teen-agers appears far removed from the conflict between KLA guerrillas
and Serb forces, even though some of the fighting is as close as five miles
away.
Except for a July 3
bombing in a Serb neighborhood that caused no injuries - which police blamed
on the KLA - the city has been spared from the violence.
But some young Albanians
say the KLA is trying to build an underground network in the capital -
their ultimate target in the battle for independence from Serbia, the dominant
of two republics that make up the remainder of Yugoslavia.
The United States and
the other five nations that coordinate international policy in the Balkans
support significant autonomy but not independence for Kosovo. The so-called
Contact Group has called for an immediate cease-fire between the Serbs
and the ethnic Albanians.
It is impossible to
determine how many young Albanians have been approached by the KLA, or
how many have joined the urban underground.
There are no known incidents
of retribution against those who received a call from the KLA but did not
commit themselves. How long that relative tolerance would last was unclear.
A Serb crackdown on
Albanian militants that began in February has caused hundreds of deaths
and a surge in support for the militants among ethnic Albanians, who outnumber
Serbs in Kosovo 9-to-1.
Reflecting that support,
the Albanian-language Koha Ditore newspaper reported Tuesday that 2,000
people attended a swearing-in ceremony for new KLA members in Malisevo,
25 miles south of Pristina.
The recruits, whose
numbers were not reported, took an oath to "fight for the liberation of
occupied territories of Albania and their unification ... regardless of
the danger to my life."
Despite the KLA's growing
strength, many Pristina residents doubt the guerrillas can threaten the
capital without a clandestine network among the city's 200,000 residents.
"There will never be
KLA soldiers from the countryside marching on Pristina," said Albin Kurti,
a nonviolent representative of the 23,000-member Kosovo Albanian students'
union. "The KLA can only conquer Pristina with people from Pristina."
The city's 12,000 students
appear to be the main target of guerrilla recruiters. Kurti estimates 2,000
students, mostly from Kosovo's strife-torn west, have joined the KLA since
the crackdown began.
In recent weeks, self-styled
KLA spokesmen have been boasting of capturing the capital.
"The day when the KLA
will be present in Pristina is not far," Jakup Krasniqi was quoted by Koha
Ditore as saying.
In case the war does
come to Pristina, the students' union recently organized a first-aid course,
including how to treat bullet and land-mine wounds and how to cope psychologically
with death and devastation.
A young Albanian doctor,
speaking on condition of anonymity, said the guerrillas are closer than
many people think.
"I fight with my neighbor
because he keeps playing loud music," he said. "But then it seems ridiculous
in this situation. It's not so loud that I can't hear gunfire."
_______________________________________________
Wednesday, July 15, 1998 Published at 00:37 GMT 01:37 UK
Muslim organisation offers help in Kosovo crisis
The Organisation of the Islamic Conference --
currently under Iranian chairmanship -- has offered to help try to end
the fighting in the Serbian province of Kosovo.
The Iranian Foreign
Minister, Kamal Kharazi, said he had phoned his German counterpart, Klaus
Kinkel, to express concern about what he called a critical situation.
Mr Kharazi said he told
Mr Kinkel that the OIC had worked closely with the West during the Bosnian
crisis and was willing to do so again in Kosovo, where the majority of
the population are ethnic Albanian Muslims.
From the newsroom of the BBC World Service
July 13, 1998
BONN CONTACT GROUP MEETING ON KOSOVO: 'DODGING' MAJOR ISSUES
A majority of foreign commentators following developments in Serbia's volatile Kosovo province expressed disappointment with the outcome of the Contact Group meeting in Bonn last Wednesday. The six-nation group that coordinates international policies on the Balkans released a statement calling for an immediate cease-fire between the Serbian security forces and the Kosovo Albanian separatists and for both sides to return to negotiations. The Group also condemned outside support for the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), threatened sanctions against the separatists if they stand in the way of peace negotiations, and reiterated their stance that Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic bears primary responsibility for the fighting in the province. Analysts judged these initiatives "timid" and "totally incapable of stopping bombs and machine gun fire." Only a few editorialists saw the Bonn meeting in a slightly more positive light. Moscow's reformist Russkiy Telegraf, for example, noted that "it was one of those rare cases where all six members were unanimous. The West is not insisting on an immediate Serbian troop withdrawal any more." In Belgrade, pro-government Vecernje Novosti held that "for the first time...there was no mention of bombs...or condemnation of only one (Serbian) side.... It means that in this mighty group...led by America, a more realistic approach is beginning to gain the upper hand." Following are highlights of the commentary:
HURDLES: Observers held that the Contact Group's search for peace is hindered by several factors, including the intransigent positions of both the Serbian authorities and the Kosovo Albanian separatists, internal divisions plaguing the Albanian separatist movement, and, not least of all, the apparently clashing interests of the great powers themselves. In that regard, a number of analysts pointed out that Russia--as "the protective power of the Serbs"--stands in the way of a united international front on the crisis. Several opinion-makers in Germany, however, wondered how Russia's precarious economic situation would impact on the Kremlin's foreign policy initiatives--including the former Yugoslavia. Other editorialists focused on another major "hurdle" facing the Western powers: identifying a leader among the Albanian separatists who can negotiate with authority. "Until the ethnic Albanians speak with one voice, there is little any outside force can do for them," said one Australian paper. Some analysts asserted that at the end of the day, the Group "dodged" an answer to a key question: How can Kosovo's autonomy be guaranteed within the Yugoslav state?
NEIGHBORS' CONCERNS: Opposition dailies in Skopje voiced concern about reports of KLA presence in Macedonia, contending that this could lead to "ideas of autonomy or possible secession" of Albanians in that country. In Tirana, top-circulation, centrist weekly Klan said that the U.S. was right to open official contact with the KLA, holding that "the Americans were the first to understand that it would be meaningless for [Kosovo Albanian leader] Rugova to talk with the Serbs without the mandate of the KLA."
WAITING FOR U.S.?: Some analysts emphasized the pivotal role of the U.S. in the region. They agreed that "as in Bosnia...it will probably be U.S. muscle that finally gets a workable compromise out of the Kosovo mess."
This survey is based on 43 reports from 17 countries, July 4-13.
EDITOR: Diana McCaffrey
FORMER YUGOSLAVIA
SERBIA-MONTENEGRO: "Kosovo In Radovan's Way"
Columnist Gordana Logar opined in independent, centrist Danas (7/13): "An almost bizarre game is being played [in Serbia] these days, concerning secret plans for a 'peaceful settlement of the Kosovo crisis.'... It is bizarre because it coincides with the escalation of armed conflict in Kosovo."
"Day Has No Idea What Was Cooked By Night"
Under the above headline, Radio B92 information program editor Bojana Lekic had this commentary in centrist, independent Nasa Borba (7/13): "The ones who call themselves the representatives of either the Serbs or the Kosovo Albanians, have not given to the peoples they 'represent' anything but slogans. The regime keeps repeating the phrase that 'Kosmet is Serbia's internal affair,' while the Kosovo Albanians do not accept anything but independence. Concrete proposals, plans, even if they exist, have not been revealed either in the parliaments or in public. When this week the Contact Group also joined in this universal secrecy, stressing that it was working on 'defining possible further elements in Kosovo's status,' but that this plan would be 'confidentially presented' to both sides, I remembered [the last Krajina leader,] Milan Martic. Once asked about the contents of the Z-4 Plan, he replied that he, as a man of principle, had never taken this plan into his hands! Shall we watch this same film once again?"
"KLA: Phantoms No More"
Independent, centrist Danas commented (7/10):
"In February, they were phantoms. Ibrahim Rugova claimed at that time that
they were the fabrication of the Serbian regime's imagination, invented
only to discredit the Kosovo Albanians Gandhian movement. It is now July.
They are not phantoms any more. They are now controlling one third of the
[Kosovo] territory, for which they are fighting with arms, killings and
kidnappings. They are pushing Rugova's influence and charisma in Kosovo
into the background. In a couple of months, KLA has become a guerilla force,
which according to some observers, has had the most rapid growth in the
world.
"No one from the West
has ever shown any intention to label them with an insulting name or as
terrorists. On the contrary! Two days ago they arrived in Geneva--in the
United Nations seat in Europe! Their message to journalists, the public,
politicians and Rugova was 'the negotiation period is over. Now--war.'
They were speaking of war to the bitter end without compromise--and this
was happening at the seat of the United Nations, the organization formed
to prevent wars. So, here we have confusion! Isn't world diplomacy inclined
toward a compromise through peaceful means, and isn't the independence
of Kosovo through war, the only thing this diplomacy has discarded? If
to all this you add that KLA's unhidden goal is Greater Albania, the confusion
about certain real diplomatic moves to recognize KLA, and announcements
on its inclusion into negotiations, becomes even bigger. Has not it, even
at this moment, reached the proportions of political schizophrenia?"
"Somewhat Calmer Tones"
Pro-government Vecernje Novosti (7/10) ran a commentary
by foreign editor Borislav Lalic on the Contact Group meeting in Bonn:
"At the Contact Group meeting in Bonn it was for the first time since the
crisis in Kosmet [Kosovo-Metohia] began, there was no mention of bombs
and sanctions, or condemnation of only one (Serbian) side. Naturally, it
does not mean that there was a shift in the international community's approach,
or that threats and pressures against our country have stopped. However,
it means that in this mighty group of six, led by America, a more realistic
approach is beginning to gain the upper hand.
"The Contact Group also
requested an immediate cessation of 'foreign financial support, arm deliveries
or training for armed Kosovo Albanian groups.' The coming days and weeks
will show whether the pendulum of the U.S. policy in the Balkans has really
swayed to this side. The essence boils down to one question--what does
United States want in Kosmet--is it war or peace?"
FORMER YUGOSLAVIA REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA: "UCK In Macedonia"
Opposition-oriented Dnevnik (7/8) commented: "Ignoring problems doesn't mean they are going to be solved. Even the smallest indication of the presence of even a single UCK member should cause a reaction of the responsible authorities, in the form of direct action. If foreign journalists managed to talk to a UCK member in Macedonia, then maybe some professional who was specially trained to act upon formations like UCK might be able to trace them. Or, the government might want talk to its (Albanian) coalition partners, just to see what are 'the other ways' they are talking about, and how they plan to organize a secession of part of the state, a state in which they participate in governing, too. Shall we wait for somebody to react after the first UCK members in Macedonia start giving statements to the Macedonian media? Or, was it on purpose that space and time was left for illegal formations to organize and start acting? The rest of the Macedonian government did not become upset at all. They cold-bloodedly watch what's going on, claim everything is perfect and say the government coalition functions as planned. That is just 'political' action of some parties."
EUROPE
GERMANY: "Hardly Any Hope For Kosovo"
Centrist Der Tagesspiegel of Berlin held (7/13), "Nothing new from Kosovo. But what we know is dangerous enough. The conflict is spreading, and politicians and diplomats are breathlessly trying to catch up with events. The latest initiative is to make the impossible possible...but we can hardly see any reason why efforts should be successful this time.... Moscow continues to block developments, and Foreign Minister Kinkel's personal mission does not seem to have created change. In the meantime, the dissent that prevails among those who want to pacify the region makes the conflict even more complicated. The problems in his own country seem to be too much for Yeltsin. The EU pretends to be in unison, but the Austrian presidency does not appear in Belgrade, nor has it entered into consultations with the United States. The time for the EU to withdraw or intervene under U.S. leadership is coming closer."
"It Is Now Up To Russia To Make The Next Move"
Adrian Zielcke concluded in an editorial in centrist Stuttgarter Zeitung (7/13), "The key to the problems in Kosovo lies with Russia, but the Russian leadership seems to be paralyzed. Rumors of a coup, speculation about a devaluation of the ruble, and hopes for international loans are all expressions of the chaotic and miserable situation in Russia.... Obviously, Russia is stumbling into chaos. People in Moscow are openly discussing whether President Yeltsin still has the situation under control or whether he even realizes what is going on around him. In this situation, the West can help with loans and by trying to integrate Russia into the talks about the Balkans. It would certainly be dangerous to take advantage of a fit of weakness in this vast empire. But what will happen if Russia's breakdown results in a paralysis of any kind of activity in the Balkans? The West would no longer be able to credibly threaten military strikes and Milosevic would break more promises and would strive for peace even less. By concentrating too much on Russia, the West is making itself incapable of acting in the Balkans. In the long run, this concept cannot succeed. The fiercer the fighting in Kosovo, the more urgent will be the refugee question--for Germany in particular. Klaus Kinkel knows why he must travel so much, even though he has not been successful."
"Not Again"
Johann Georg Reissmueller noted in right-of-center Frankfurter Allgemeine (7/10): "Western governments say that NATO will not repeat the mistakes it made in Bosnia when dealing with Kosovo, but the West is repeating the mistakes it made in the late 80s at the beginning of Serbian violence. At that time, they said that Yugoslavia should be maintained and Croatia and Slovenia would by no means become independent. Milosevic in Belgrade listened closely and then waged a war, first against Slovenia and then against Croatia. Now the Western powers say that Kosovo must remain part of Yugoslavia and be autonomous. Again, Milosevic is listening closely--and is allowing his forces to clear all obstacles as they did in Croatia and then in Bosnia. The Western Alliance says that time is running out to settle the conflict--but continues to waste time by investigating well known facts. The same happened in Bosnia. The Western states still say that the Kosovo-Albanians are becoming increasingly radical and must be stopped--but they do not prevent Serbia from ethnically cleansing Kosovo, as they did a few years ago in Croatia and Bosnia. Is this going to lead to a political solution?"
"Contact Group Dodging Answer To Key Question"
Left-of-center Frankfurter Rundschau observed (7/9): "The Contact Group again dodged the answer to the key question of how Kosovo's autonomy could be guaranteed within the Yugoslav state.... We know from Chancellor Kohl that he, in light of the limited scope of action of the Boris Yeltsin, sees chances for more resolute activities of the Contact Group only if the conflict escalates. But in the attempts to narrow the views between the Western governments and Russia at least a little bit, we can now notice that they no longer talk about the past but also about the future of Kosovo. But one thing is now clear: There is no clear concept that can be supported by all sides and that really deserves its name."
"Milosevic Is Pleased"
Right-of-center Weserzeitung of Hamelin (7/9) had this to say: "Milosevic is certainly pleased that the politicians in Bonn called for a cease-fire but were unable to wrangle through to demand the immediate withdrawal of Serbian forces from Kosovo."
"Belligerents Will Not Be Impressed"
Centrist Neue Osnabruecker Zeitung opined (7/9): "This appeal of the Contact Group to the Serbs and Albanians to agree on a cease-fire will vanish as quickly as all previous appeals. Neither Belgrade's aggressive government leader Milosevic nor the Albanians who are striving for independence will be impressed by diplomatic activities of this cautious kind. The new autonomy proposals will neither bring about a change in the conflict. One reason is that it is totally unclear how they could be implemented. So far, there has not been any visible sign for a way out of this vicious circle in which the Contact Group is moving. Again time is running out for the mediators. The fighting is escalating, and people die and suffer. A new tragedy in the Balkans is taking its course, although the Europeans, after the bitter defeats in Bosnia, promised not to allow such bloodshed again."
"Contact Group Confession"
National radio station Deutschlandfunk of Cologne
(7/8) aired the following commentary by D. May: "The Contact Group demonstrated
some self-knowledge: It was reported from Bonn that prospects for a peaceful
solution to the Kosovo crisis have deteriorated since the latest meeting
four weeks ago.... This is a confession that shows that the international
community, in light of its lack of ideas, has done nothing to put an end
to violence in Kosovo.... And the Contact Group continues to remain as
abstract as possible with its proposals.
"We cannot expect the
UN to do more than the Contact Group, since Russia will use its veto against
military intervention in the UN as it did in Bonn. This means that everything
remains as it was with one exception: the 'secret plan,' which the Contact
Group now wants to present to the Serbs and Albanians.... It aims at creating
an autonomy. But this resembles the things Belgrade is imagining and the
opposite of things the Albanians are hoping for.... The meeting of the
Contact Group again made clear that Milosevic will get what he wants."
"There Is No Good Will In Kosovo"
Peter Muench noted in centrist Sueddeutsche Zeitung of Munich (7/8): "As long as the [Contact Group] concept provides for the two enemies to discuss the proposals of the international community, the diplomats could save their work on an autonomy concept. Nothing will come out of this work because Belgrade does not want such an agreement and because a chain reaction has developed in the leadership of the Kosovo Albanians which will result in its disintegration into several rival minor groups. Does the West not know this? Of course it does, but the West thinks that it cannot act differently. The Contact Group will discuss only the lowest common denominator with Moscow which continues to act as the protective power of the Serbs. The Russians will prevent more vigorous actions against Belgrade, and threaten the West with 'serious consequences' if NATO unilaterally intervenes. Reading between the lines we can see that accommodating Russia is more important to the West than accommodating Serbs and Albanians. The...security architecture for the time after the Cold War, Moscow's ties to NATO, the enlargement of the Alliance to the East--all this should not be sacrificed on the altar in Kosovo as long as a few guerilla fighters here and a few police officers there and some civilians are killed in this so-called low-intensity war. This sounds cynical but this is realpolitik. The catch, however, is that this policy can quickly be overtaken by reality, once this local war extends to a conflagration, since the fighting of the warmongers on both sides is only a continuation of realpolitik with different means."
"Still No Breakthrough"
Rolf Paasch wrote in left-of-center Frankfurter Rundschau (7/8): "Nothing has really changed after the latest U.S. shuttle mission in the Balkans. Slobodan Milosevic continues to refuse a dialogue and shadow president Ibrahim Rugova is no longer the only spokesman of the Kosovo Albanians..... At the same time, the international community, despite Klaus Kinkel's five-point plan, has still not found a decisive answer to the question of a compromise about autonomy.... But this compromise does not exist yet and, by then those who want to use force to fight for their security...will gain in persuasive power on the Kosovo Albanian side. And this will be to the disadvantage of a compromise solution."
"Contact Group Meets To Deal With An Issue It Cannot Really Resolve"
Centrist Der Tagesspiegel of Berlin commented (7/8): "The conflagration in Kosovo is not a sudden thunderstorm that has broken over international politics. Nothing is new concerning the facts that now need to be discussed urgently: not the actors, and not the hatred which is separating or linking all sides involved. Consequently, the round of diplomats that will meet in Bonn today to discuss a solution to the Kosovo problem has to deal with an issue which it really cannot resolve. As far as politics is concerned, the situation is totally confusing; as far as military aspects are concerned, the conflict is not soluble as long as politicians do no know what they really want. International politics can help only if it shakes off its self-imposed fetters, i.e. its lack of presenting concepts. But this is a task for politicians, and in this situation diplomats cannot help."
BRITAIN: "Guerrillas Now Key To Kosovo Plan"
The liberal Guardian reported from Bonn (7/9): "The international powers moved to integrate KLA guerrillas into the search for peace in the Serbian province yesterday, and revealed for the first time that they were drafting proposals for a form of home rule for the ethnic Albanian majority.... But the Contact Group also threatened to stifle the guerrillas' gun-running and fund-raising activities abroad if they spurned ceasefire efforts as a prelude to negotiating a settlement restoring the autonomy which was enjoyed by Kosovo for 15 years until it was dissolved by Slobodan Milosevic in 1989."
FRANCE: "Contact Group Faces Two Major Diplomatic Hurdles"
Renaud Girard in right-of-center Le Figaro (7/9): "For the first time since last March, the Contact Group has expressed its concern for the rising Albanian rebellion in the Balkans.... U.S. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke had previously managed to launch a dialogue between Milosevic and Rugova.... But the initiative was short-lived due to continued attacks from UCK guerillas.... While they are both pursuing the same final objective--independence--Rugova and the UCK are divided on the means to reach that end.... The Contact Group is now facing two major diplomatic hurdles. The first is its refusal to grant Kosovo its independence because of the unpredictable repercussions border changes could have in the Balkans. How can the Group continue to refuse the Bosnian Serbs what they would grant Kosovo's Albanians?... The second hurdle is deciding who to negotiate with.... The guerrillas or Rugova. How can the Group, which is working in the name of human rights, ignore a man who has been elected fairly and choose instead the militant guerrillas of the UCK?"
"U.S. Diplomacy Stumbles"
Renaud Girard commented in right-of-center Le Figaro (7/8): "American diplomacy is stumbling in its efforts to find a solution to the problem of Kosovo. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, who was the brilliant negotiator of the Dayton accords, is caught in the shifting sands of Balkan complexities.... After meeting with the many representatives of the Albanian independent factions, Holbrooke had to return to Washington without having made any real progress. The difficulty lies in the internal divisions plaguing the Albanian separatist movement.... Richard Holbrooke could hardly hide his impatience when he stated that 'the UCK poses a major problem for the United States and the international community because no one knows who controls the armed factions or whether there is anyone in control.'... The Contact Group, which is meeting today in Bonn, is faced with a more complex problem than just the question of Kosovo's autonomy. The Group has to deal with a vast Albanian nationalist movement emerging in the Balkans."
"Headache For The West"
Marc Semo judged in left-of-center Liberation (7/8): "The Contact Group is using diplomacy to its fullest, involving Russia in the negotiations. The choice is one of necessity. The idea of a military intervention backed by the United States has been shelved because of hostile reactions from Paris, Bonn and other European capitals.... Washington finally admitted that there could be no military intervention without a well-defined strategic objective. An air strike would have led to hardened positions in Belgrade and among the more radical factions on the ground. Now NATO is reparing a deployment of about 50,000 men, to intervene only after an agreement has been reached between the two major players. In other words, a deployment which is far into the future."
ITALY: "Kosovo Toward Total War"
Renato Caprile wrote in left-leaning, influential Repubblica (7/9): "Kosovo is really a step away from total war. The timid initiatives of Western diplomacy (the Contact Group met yesterday) seem totally incapable of stopping bombs and machine gun fire.... The libertaion army not only lacks political representation in the Albanian arties, but does not even have a unified command. There is not just one single army, but perhaps five: that of Drenica's hardliners, who hate Rugova, and the more moderate ones of Malishevo, Suhareka, Decani and Djakovica. But they are torn by profound ideological and strategic divisions."
"Who Will Sit At The Negotiating Table?"
PDS (leading government party) daily L'Unita (7/9) said that the goal of the Contact Group is "closing the spigot of war, and not just for one side; drying the sources of funding to the Kosovo separatist guerrillas, if they stubbornly refused to collaborate.... The Contact Group which met in Bonn yesterday will ask the UN for a resolution committing all member nations to prevent raising funds in support of Kosovo's separatists on their territories. If a negotiated solution is rejected, sanctions could even be adopted to stop the flow of weapons directed to the rebels.... The Contact Group asked Belgrade and Pristina to stop the fighting and resume negotiations...looking toward autonomy, but not the independence of the region. The issue is who is going to sit at the negotiating table."
"New Offensive Against The Rebels"
Centrist Il Messaggero (7/8) noted that "a solution of the crisis still appears difficult and far away. A NATO intervention under the UN umbrella also appears unlikely. Enough to think that, in order to make the warring parties respect a cease-fire in Kosovo, NATO sources deem that a 50,000 troop force would be necessary. Today the Contact Group is gathering in Bonn. In case of a peace accord, according to NATO experts, it would be necessary to deploy 20,000 troops. In the worst hypothesis, i.e., the imposition of a cease-fire through the use of force, 100,000 troops would be necessary."
RUSSIA: "West Needs To Do More"
Andrei Smirnov said in reformist Segodnya (7/10): "The Contact Group's plan is okay, but is nothing new. Everything it suggests to stabilize the situation is known from the past. President Milosevic, threatened with tougher sanctions and NATO's intervention, may agree to correct the mistake of a decade ago when he deprived Kosovo of its autonomy rights. The problem is that the Albanians, euphoric over their military successes and the West's benevolence, won't settle for anything less than independence. The West should do more than just threatening to cut off the separatists from their financial sources abroad. It could, for instance, modify its military option with the Serbs as its sole target."
"Russia, West Still at Cross-Purposes"
Yury Pankov stated in centrist, army daily Krasnaya Zvezda (7/10): "The West's idea of a settlement is at variance with ours. True, Western countries favor a cease-fire, primarily on the Serbian side, and they urge a troop withdrawal, that is, a Serbian troop withdrawal. For Yugoslavia that would mean losing Kosovo. In return, the West promises not to recognize a 'Kosovo republic.' So it looks like trying to turn Kosovo into a permanent trouble-maker, a festering wound and, at the same time, a black hole, with people and money disappearing in its bottomless depth. It is an easy guess who will win and who will lose if that happens. This is probably why Russia and the West remain at the cross-purposes over Kosovo."
"Contact Group Unanimous"
Elza Dober commented in reformist Russkiy Telegraf (7/9): "It was one of those rare cases where all six members were unanimous. The West is not insisting on an immediate Serbian troop withdrawal any more. Today the diplomats list a cease-fire and international armistice control as their main goals.... Try as the West might, it will not succeed in imposing a Dayton-type settlement on Kosovo. In fact, a long-term solution does not exist--you cannot review the borders, just as you cannot leave Kosovo within Serbia, if only because in 20 years, the Serbs, at the current birth rate, will become a minority in that province and even in Serbia."
"KLA: Terrorist Organization"
Yury Pankov held in centrist, army daily Krasnaya Zvezda (7/8): "The Kosovo Liberation Army is a real political and military force in control of some 40 percent of the province. On the other hand, it is an illegal terrorist organization. Obviously, holding talks with it would be dangerous, as well as useless, since this may set a precedent for other separatist and extremist movements throughout the world."
ALBANIA: "Reasons Why Holbrooke Met With KLA"
Top-circulation, centrist weekly Klan featured
an opinion piece by Andi Bejtja (7/7): "The meeting last week between Holbrooke
and Robert Gelbard with KLA representatives astounded and irritated the
Europeans, who resented not being informed beforehand. However, time has
shown that when the American engine makes a turn, the European caboose
soon follows. It is now likely that the KLA will enter future negotiations
as a partner to Ibrahim Rugova. It is truly unimaginable how an armed force
can turn from a terrorist organization to a serious negotiating partner--in
a few months. Had it not been for the U.S. ambassador-designate to the
UN, the recognition of the KLA as a legitimate force would never have happened.
The KLA took more than half of Kosovo's territory under its control and
swelled into a force of several thousand soldiers. As the reputation of
the KLA rose, that of Rugova and his policies declined. The Americans were
the first to understand that it would be meaningless for Rugova to talk
with the Serbs without the mandate of the KLA. By legitimizing the KLA,
the Americans somehow saved Rugova and averted future fruitless negotiaions.
[It is important to note that] the American side was careful to distinguish
between its diplomatic move and any support for Kosovao independence. While
speaking in Crans Montana, Switzerland, Holbrooke said that 'we do not
stand for independence for Kosovo.' At the same time, however, he stated
that any change of status arrived at through peaceful means, and with the
agreement of the Serbs, would be acceptable. That included independence
or even [union of the province] with Albania. The legitimization of the
KLA by the United States transforms the Serb-Albanian conflict into one
with a ready diplomatic solution--a cease-fire.
"The American side's
change will not be easy for the European members of the Contact Group to
accept. In addition, NATO's much discussed intervention is further away
than ever. Disagreements similar to those made in the case of Bosnia are
again putting the reputation of many international organizations in jeopardy.
Any failure on the part of these institutions would place a big question
mark at the end of the Dayton accord, and the Americans have no wish to
destroy all the work they put into realizing that agreement. For this reason,
Albanian-Serb negotiations, if they ever restart, will take place in the
presence of the American flag. If Kosovo's entire political spectrum will
sit at the negotiating table, it will be of great importance for Albanians
[in Albania] to stop in-fighting and coordinate actions. First, as Albanian
Premier Nano said in Crans Montana, the KLA must be very careful toward
Serb civilians in Kosovo, so that today's protectors of the oppressed are
not labeled terrorists tomorrow. The West would then reject the idea of
the KLA sitting at the negotiating table, which in turn would give Milosevic
the opportunity to continue military operations. Second, it is important
that the KLA not be eroded by internal differences and harmonize its actions
with those of Kosovo's political class.
"It is time for the
Albanian side to clearly express its policy. The option most acceptable
to international opinion is that [Kosovo] becomes the third republic inside
the Yugoslav federation. If the government of Albania decides to insist
on independence, there is no room for discussion. This would give Milosevic
a fresh excuse for new military actions and massacres. The Albanians must
work for peace, but at the same time must prepare for war. It is for that
very reason that now, more than ever, both Rugova and the KLA are necessary."
AUSTRIA: "Rugova Needs Help"
Eric Frey observed in independent Der Standard (7/8): "What does a pacifist do, who fails in his struggle for the freedom of his people? Does he yield to the pressure from the masses and turn to violence, or does he stick to his path, risking political insignificance?... The fact that U.S. mediator Richard Holbrooke is desperately appealing to the UCK to finally disclose who they are and what they want shows how dramatically Rugova has lost influence. But even if the UCK declared itself politically, it would be impossible to make peace with it. Its troops will not accept any compromise such as a large-scale autonomy, but continue fighting until total independence. Since the West vehemently refuses this, it needs Rugova more than ever. This is why the EU and NATO have to think about how they can strengthen him in the internal struggle for power. First, they should stop demanding that he waive independence--Rugova cannot afford that at the moment. Clear concessions by the Serbs would reestablish his credibility, but those are not in sight. This is why Rugova hopes more than anybody else for a NATO military strike. Then he could argue vis-a-vis his people that it is cooperation with the West that leads to a sort of freedom--and not the war of the UCK."
BELGIUM: "UCK Remains An Organization Without A Face"
Edouard Van Velthem maintained in independent Le Soir (7/11), "The UCK, the Kosovo Liberation Army, remains an organization without a face, and the bellicose tone adopted by some of its 'spokesmen' greatly irritates the Americans. 'We have the means to force the radical Albanian fighters to comply, to make them lay down their arms,' threatened U.S. special envoy to the Balkans Robert Gelbard, who had already termed the organization 'terrorist.' The result? The pacifist political leader Ibrahim Rugova, whose power is wavering, again receives a boost from the Americans who indicate that he is their 'privileged interlocutor.'"
"Unstable Balkans"
Foreign editor Axel Buyse judged in independent
Catholic De Standaard (7/10): "The lasting conflict in Kosovo has already
hurt the economies of vulnerable neighboring countries like Serbia and
Romania. A further escalation threatens to have totally disastrous consequences
for those nations. The much-feared 'boiling over' of (the situation in)
Kosovo must not necessarily take military aspects. The economic consequences
can be equally destabilizing.
"This is likely to be
one of the messages which Bulgarian President Petar Stojanov will deliver
today during his visit to NATO. Bulgaria and Romania are eager to be integrated
into 'Europe.' They have both been formally accepted as would-be members
of the European Union and NATO. There was no realistic alternative for
that in the post-Cold War era.... Even for purely domestic reasons Macedonia,
Romania and Bulgaria have every interest in a peaceful solution of the
Kosovo issue, most people in those countries believe.... Those Balkan countries,
together with Greece and Turkey, also have other, political reasons to
fear the expansion of the conflict. There is the inevitable flood of refugees
which would be triggered by an escalation. Bulgaria said that it would
accept 5,000 Kosovars in case of war. However, if the situation were to
ignite, the flood of refugees would not be controllable and would destabilize
the fragile economies of the neighboring countries. Finally, under the
current circumstances, all Balkan nations are afraid of an ethnic redrawing
of the map because they have minorities on their own territories....
"If the status quo were
to be affected somewhere, the neighboring countries will run the risk if
being dragged into the conflict--even though it thoroughly jeopardizes
their long-term interests."
HUNGARY: "Fire And Water"
Conservative Magyar Nemzet opined (7/8): "The Bosnian peace architect, Richard Holbrooke is cruising the Balkans again, but he admitted that his task on Kosovo was much more difficult than it had been with Dayton.... The chaos on the Albanian side and the radicalization of Kosovo are factors that further hinder the otherwise not too speedy settlement process. Sooner or later, Milosevic has to go for the option of retrieving autonomy, but Belgrade finds settlement possible only within Serbia. It makes the settlement more difficult that the leading powers of the world have to put pressure on both sides and their possible armed intervention could only be carried out with the authorization of the Security Council. It is not armies that are fighting against each other, like in Bosnia, but a guerrilla fight that is going on in Kosovo. It is typical of the current situation that even Turkey disagrees with the involvement of KLA in the talks, a country that would strongly support the establishment of a strong Albanian Islamic state in the region. The harmonization of various interests, the marrying of fire and water, seems to be impossible. But one fact is grounds for optimism: Holbrooke has already managed this task once."
TURKEY: "Can Autonomy Be A Peaceful Solution?"
Hasan Unal wrote in pro-Islamic Zaman (7/10): "Turkey reiterated its position on the Kosovo issue: Yugoslavia's territorial integrity should be preserved, but the Kosovar people need to regain their autonomy. Although it may seem reasonable and acceptable, this approach may create a worse situation in Kosovo. We should take into consideration the fact that Kosovo wanted to be one of the six federal republics of Yugoslavia when Yugoslavia dissolved. Even at that time Milosevic was an obstacle. Despite all these facts, calls from the international community as well as from Turkey for autonomous status for Kosovo are not helpful to finding solution. This approach practically ignores the Kosovo Liberation Army movement, and at the end may lead to a bloody war. The realistic solution is to give a founding-republic status to Kosovo within Yugoslavia. It seems the United States understands this, but Turkey has not yet."
"Concern About Domino Effect In Balkans"
Sami Kohen wrote in mass-appeal Milliyet (7/8): "Turkey is asking for a realistic solution to the Kosovo issue. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's territorial integrity should be preserved, and the Kosovar people should get their autonomy back. As the Turkish prime minister clarified Ankara's position regarding Kosovo during his trip to Macedonia, human rights for minority groups in the Balkans should be respected. However, that does not necessarily mean that every ethnic or religious group should demand independence. Ankara followed this position in other international issues as well, including northern Iraq and Chechnya. Despite the fact that the Turkish people feel very close to the Kosovo Albanians, and are waiting for more pro-Kosovo Albanian actions from the Turkish government, Ankara is still conducting a balanced and well formulated policy.... The international community worries a lot about the possibility of a domino effect if the Kosovo conflict does not end peacefully, and begins to spread all over the Balkans."
SOUTH ASIA
BANGLADESH: "Kosovo Reality--NATO And The West"
The independent, English-language Bangladesh Observer
commented (7/9):
"American diplomats are rightly busy trying to
bring the rebels to the negotiation table with offers of autonomy. But
the Albanians, for now at least, are pressing for independence. The demand
by the Albanians and the offer by the Serbs seem irreconcilable, and an
eventual showdown may be hard to avoid.
President Clinton can still offer an alternative,
as he has in Bosnia....
The Balkans/Kosovo is near the heart of Europe
in which his and his country's stake is great. Kosovo's reality, NATO and
the West and America stand in one line. It cannot be broken. Milosovic's
forces keep pounding the rebels, and casualties have been heavy over the
weeks. Reported recapture by Serb security forces of a key crossroads village
has heightened tensions. Reports from mediator Holbrooke, sources say 'talks
must resume without delay to resolve the crisis in Kosovo.' But, given
the posture assumed by Milosovic, more assertion by the mediators and a
stronger demand for stopping the killing is the immediate need. It may
be too hard to prevent the place from exploding into a bigger ethnic conflict,
unless perhaps NATO forces are used to forestall it on the line they were
(and are) using in Bosnia."
INDIA: "The Cleansing Campaign"
According to Chitra Subramaniam, Geneva correspondent
for the right-of-center Indian Express (7/11): "The images are desperately
familiar. So is the West's fudge and fiddle.... Kosovo is burning. Western
leaders are furious. They begin their usual waltz through each other's
capitals.... NATO wants to intervene. Russia says back off. The West is
edgier than ever. Ignored by Milosevic, it is in a quandary. The European
Union threatens, cajoles, urges Milosevic to stop his forces from killing
ethnic Albanians. They can't support calls for an independent Kosovo, as
that would make nonsense of the West's no-change-of-frontiers policy in
Bosnia.... If NATO gets away with it this time, what is to prevent the
world's warmongers from foisting the same scenario selectively in other
parts of the world, including Kashmir?...
"Something very dangerous
could happen in Kosovo setting international precedents. That could explain,
at least in part, the dragging of feet over what to do in Kosovo. For sure,
Russia and China would oppose any intervention blessed by the UN Security
Council. If Milosevic's attacks on his own people were not bad enough,
the West, but most obviously the United States, is fishing in troubled
waters by backing the separatists.... If Milosevic is to be persuaded to
end the repression in Kosovo, he will in return want a guarantee that the
West would not support rebels seeking to split Kosovo from Serbia nor recognize
a self-proclaimed independent Kosovo. The West knows that Milosevic is
not used to keeping promises. Worse may be in store of the Kosovars caught
in this international roulette. For the next few days at least, the World
Cup will shield external peacemakers hoisted on their own petard, from
ridicule. Next week, everything will look different."
EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC
CHINA: "Kosovo Issue Remains An Unresolved Knotty Problem"
Song Wenfu noted in intellectually oriented Guangming Daily (Guangming Ribao, 7/11): "The disputes among various ethnic Albanian parties have complicated the Kosovo issue. Disunity and lack of organization among ethnic Albanians are viewed as the greatest difficulties the international community faces."
AUSTRALIA: "West Has Limited Options In Kosovo"
The conservative Australian (7/9) observed: "U.S. diplomat Richard Holbrooke was right this week to finger Mr. Milosevic as the main culprit in this dirty little (Kosovo) war.... [Holbrooke] is no longer supporting a military solution, opting instead to try to persuade the ethnic Albanians to form a united political front to enter negotiations with Mr. Milosevic. U.S. reservations about the KLA's tactics and frustration with the ethnic Albanians' lack of unity have played no small part in the shift.... As in Bosnia-Herzegovina, it will probably be U.S. muscle that finally gets a workable compromise out of the Kosovo mess. But until the ethnic Albanians speak with one voice, there is little any outside force can do for them."
LATIN AMERICA
ARGENTINA: "No War Is Small"
Oscar Raul Cardoso opined in leading Clarin (7/4):
"Kosovo's problem may authentically be impossible to solve, and may even
overshadow the previous ones.... This reality is making the Western world
dance on a political tightrope, while it waits for the nightmare to disappear
by itself.... In Europe, the advisors of the coalition headed by Helmut
Kohl suggest that he look in the opposite direction; in France and Russia,
governments strictly try to maintain the issue of Kosovo within the UN,
where they are convinced it is easier to balance U.S. political power;
and in Washington, the opposition has red light to stop any interventionist
impulse which the Democratic administration may be thinking about. This
is the dilemma Bill Clinton is returning to after his happy nine days in
China, and which he may soon feel nostalgic about. It is an unpleasant
political climate because it mixes U.S. isolationism with the 'fatigue
for Yugoslavia' effect: the sensation most European foreign ministries
feel, that the Balkans are beyond any sensible solution.
"But we must not expect
the absence of European powers from the conflict in Kosovo--this unbalanced
action--to last too long. What is at stake in Kosovo is much more than
meets the eye and if the human tragedy is unable to move powers to action,
raw geopolitics certainly will.... The idea of a formal war between Albania
and Yugoslavia--a possibility today--may be but the first step in Europe's
faux pas towards a conflict which may attract young and unstable democracies,
and unthinkable players such as Turkey, with the appeal of ethnic and religious
ingredients.... This fire may, in truth, be small, but it is not one which
you can allow to spread until it has burnt the last piece of wood."
For more information, please contact:
U.S. Information Agency
Office of Public Liaison
Telephone: (202) 619-4355
7/13/98
# # #
Taken without permission, for fair use only.
UN reports sharp increase in Kosovo refugee exodus
UN warns of big Kosovo refugee exodus
Serb Leaders Leave for Kosovo Talks
U.N. Agrees to Help Albanian Government Disarm
Civilians
U.N. team recommends weapons collection program
for Albania
Turkish president in Albania for talks on Kosovo
____________________________________
UN reports sharp increase in Kosovo refugee exodus
07:09 a.m. Jul 14, 1998 Eastern
GENEVA, July 14 (Reuters) - The United Nations
refugee agency on Tuesday reported a sharp rise in the number of people
fleeing growing violence in the Serbian province of Kosovo.
The Office of the U.N.
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said 2,900 Kosovars fled in recent
days to neighbouring Montenegro after battles near the western town of
Pec, Kosovo's second largest city and the latest hotspot in the war between
the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army and Serbian forces.
"More and more people
are forced to flee Kosovo," UNHCR spokesman Kris Janowski said. "The sharp
increase may be explained by the increase in military activity, shelling
and fighting in Pec area."
Serbian security forces
have stepped up their offensive against independence-seeking guerrillas
of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in areas near Pec, the last big town
before the Albanian border.
Since emerging from
obscurity late last year to begin a battle for the independence of the
province from Serbia, the KLA has gained control of an estimated one-third
of Kosovo, where 90 percent of the 1.8 million population is ethnic Albanian.
The UNHCR reported that
Montenegro's refugee population had swollen to 18,000 people, almost double
estimates last month.
In northern Albania,
sheltering 13,000 Kosovars, Janowski said the UNHCR was concerned about
the safety of its staff amid rivalry between clans, gun battles and apparent
lack of formal authority.
The UNHCR said it had
no details of the latest fighting and casualties in Kosovo but Swiss aid
officials just back from the province said they feared a prolonged conflict.
Charles Raedersdorf,
head of the Swiss Catastrophe Aid Corps -- the government's disaster aid
agency -- said the conflict had uprooted more than 100,000 people.
"The situation is critical,"
he told the Swiss news agency ATS. "The conflict threatens to prolong and
cause new refugee flows."
He said refugees had
enough food for three months but finding winter accommodation would be
a problem.
Raedersdorf added that
aid distribution in the poor and unstable areas of northern Albanian was
difficult. He said Western aid agencies there were exposed to clan conflicts,
killings and vehicle thefts.
Copyright 1998 Reuters Limited. All rights reserved.
____________________________________
Tuesday, July 14, 1998 Published at 16:06 GMT 17:06 UK
UN warns of big Kosovo refugee exodus
The United Nations refugee agency has reported
a big increase in the numbers of ethnic Albanians fleeing fighting in the
Serbian province of Kosovo.
The UN High Commissioner
for Refugees said almost three thousand refugees had fled into neighbouring
Montenegro over the past few days, since an upsurge in Serbian operations
near the north-western Kosovar city of Pec.
The UNHCR says there
are now some eighteen thousand ethnic Albanian refugees from Kosovo in
Montenegro and a further thirteen thousand in northern Albania.
Meanwhile, a delegation
of Serbian opposition politicians, led by the former Prime Minister, Milan
Panic, has gone to Kosovo for talks.
But no details of their
discussions have been released.
From the newsroom of the BBC World Service
____________________________________
Tuesday July 14 6:47 AM EDT
Serb Leaders Leave for Kosovo Talks
ISMET HAJDARI Associated Press Writer
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) - In their own search
for peace in Kosovo, Serbian opposition leaders left today for the troubled
province for meetings with local Serb and possible talks with ethnic Albanian
politicians.
The opposition coalition
"Alliance for Change" is led by former Yugoslav Premier Milan Panic, a
Serbian-American businessman.
"The absolute priority
is to establish peace and security in Kosovo," said Zoran Djindjic, the
leader of the Democratic Party and former mayor of Belgrade.
But with Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic - who ordered the police crackdown in Kosovo - holding
power in Serbia, the largest of Yugoslavia's two republics, the mission
is little more than symbolic, a fact recognized by the opposition leaders.
"We have the possibility
of proposing certain solutions, but we do not have the influence to have
those solutions implemented," said Djindjic before departing Belgrade,
capital of both Serbia and Yugoslavia.
Hundreds of people have
been killed since February, when Milosevic launched the crackdown on Albanian
separatists, who had been attacking Serb police and military facilities.
The Yugoslav news agency
Tanjug reported today, meanwhile, that three Serbian policemen were wounded
in attacks by militants in the Decani region near the border with Albania.
The mission by the Serbian
opposition comes ahead of a potentially volatile period in Kosovo, with
the leadership of the Democratic League of Kosovo, the main ethnic Albanian
party, announcing that the first constituent session of the self-styled
Kosovo parliament would convene within a week.
The Serbian government
does not recognize elections that chose the parliament or made Ibrahim
Rugova the president of Kosovo's Albanians, who make up 90 percent of the
Serbian province's population. The parliament, elected last March in an
unofficial ballot, is dominated by Rugova's party but has been boycotted
by most other Albanian parties.
The militant Kosovo
Liberation Army, reportedly in control of about 40 percent of Kosovo, has
refused to heed any of the Albanian political parties and is unlikely to
recognize the authority of either parliament or Rugova.
Earlier this month,
other influential ethnic Albanian parties proposed formation of an ethnic
Albanian National Council, which would include representatives from all
parties and present a unified Albanian body to encompass the KLA. But Rugova
apparently rejected the proposal.
____________________________________
the new york times
July 14, 1998
U.N. Agrees to Help Albanian Government Disarm Civilians
By BARBARA CROSSETTE
UNITED NATIONS -- At the request of the Albanian
government, the United Nations has agreed for the first time to help disarm
a civilian population that has amassed hundreds of thousands of weapons
and a vast supply of ammunition, a senior official said on Monday.
Albanians, who are among
those supplying or selling arms to ethnic Albanian fighters in Kosovo Province
in Serbia, raided weapons depots in the spring of 1997, after the collapse
of a nationwide pyramid scheme wiped out many people's savings and led
to general unrest. Since then, many more arms from abroad have also been
smuggled into the country, to be shipped to Albanians in Kosovo.
"Even before the Kosovo
situation erupted, an estimate of 650,000 weapons is what we are talking
about that had been taken away from government depots," said Jayantha Dhanapala,
undersecretary-general for disarmament affairs, who went to Albania last
month to evaluate the situation.
"An estimate of about
30 percent was given to us of weapons that have leaked to other parts,
not merely to Kosovo but to Macedonia and elsewhere," he added.
In a report to the secretary-general
issued on Monday, Dhanapala, a Sri Lankan, listed pistols, automatic rifles,
machines guns and grenade launchers among the weapons in local caches.
They also hold 20,000 tons of explosives and more than 1.5 billion rounds
of ammunition, including artillery shells.
Dhanapala and his team
met with government and opposition leaders, including the former president,
Sali Berisha, and discussed how to persuade people to relinquish the weapons,
which would then be destroyed.
The U.N. officials rejected
buyback plans, which Dhanapala said would be "highly inflationary" and
would in effect reward people who had unauthorized weapons in their possession.
Instead, U.N. officials are proposing a "development for guns project,"
in which communities that turned in weapons would get public works projects
that also provided needed jobs.
"The weapons are largely
in civilian hands," he said. "Many of the people are unemployed, and sought
the weapons as a means of some kind of wealth which they could trade for
money or goods at some later stage. In the rural areas you had some of
them burying them underground or keeping them in trees."
"We were told that the
amount of guns that fell into criminal hands is about 10 percent," he said.
"So most are in civilian hands."
Dhanapala said that
the United Nations hopes to start a pilot project in Gramshi, a district
with a population of about 50,000 that is thought to have 8 percent to
10 percent of all weapons commandeered in 1997. Gramshi also has a 30 percent
unemployment rate.
In return for turning
in weapons, the district has asked for about 120 miles of rural roads,
a small processing plant for agricultural products and a training center
to teach furniture making. The area is heavily forested.
Dhanapala now has to
find money to pay for his project. He said on Monday that he hoped for
help from the poverty-alleviation programs of the U.N. Development Program,
from small-scale credit projects at the World Bank and from country donations.
In some areas, there
is imminent danger of catastrophe, he said. Some arms depots have been
mined and are unapproachable, he said. "They could explode in the summer
heat."
____________________________________
U.N. team recommends weapons collection program for Albania
07/14/98 04:48:19 AM
By Nicole Winfield
Associated Press Writer
UNITED NATIONS (AP) -- A U.N. team has recommended
a program to collect tens of thousands of guns and ammunition rounds that
fell into civilian hands during the unrest that rocked Albania last year.
Many of the weapons
have found their way to Albanian separatists in neighboring Kosovo. The
team leader, Undersecretary-General Jayantha Dhanapala, acknowledged there
would be resistance to weapons collection in the Albanian border areas
through which arms are smuggled.
Nevertheless, the team's
report said Monday the Albanian government viewed the conflict in Kosovo,
where ethnic Albanians are fighting for independence from Serbia, "as an
additional reason to retrieve weapons from the civilian population."
Dhanapala and a U.N.
delegation recently traveled to Albania at the invitation of the Albanian
government to evaluate prospects for a collection program.
Similar programs have
been launched in Angola, Cambodia, Guatemala, Mali and Somalia, among others.
Albania represented a unique situation because the guns were largely in
the hands of civilians, not combatants, Dhanapala said at a briefing Monday.
An estimated 650,000
guns were looted from army and police depots during riots last year after
the collapse of widely popular pyramid investment schemes. Also stolen
were 1.5 billion bullets and artillery shells, and 20,000 tons of explosives
-- detonator capsules, anti-personnel and anti-tank mines.
The team recommended
that a pilot program be launched in the south-central district of Gramsh,
which accounts for an estimated 8-10 percent of the stolen goods.
If successful and if
funding was available, the project would be expanded. Job training and
development-related benefits, such as road building, would be offered as
incentives to turning in guns and ammunition.
The team recommended
against a cash buy-back, which has worked elsewhere, because it would lead
to high inflation and would send the wrong message, the report said.
The evaluation team,
funded by Italy, recommended Albania pass legislation to delineate legal
gun ownership and publicize the benefits of turning over weapons.
Though an estimated
30 percent of the looted goods have `leaked" into Kosovo, Macedonia and
elsewhere, the collection program will focus on collecting weapons still
in Albania, Dhanapala said.
In Gramsh, 65 miles
south of Tirana, villagers "notwithstanding the Kosovo situation, stood
ready to collect weapons," Dhanapala said.
"Clearly closer to the
Kosovo border, that possibility may be reduced." The evaluation team didn't
go to northeastern Albania, which borders Kosovo.
The weapons, of Albanian,
Chinese, Italian, Russian and Yugoslav origin, included rifles, pistols,
revolvers, mortars and grenades, automatic rifles, machine guns and anti-tank
grenade-launchers.
____________________________________
Tuesday, July 14, 1998 Published at 15:16 GMT 16:16 UK
Turkish president in Albania for talks on Kosovo
A senior delegation from Turkey, led by the president,
Suliman Demirel, is in Albania for talks on the conflict in the Serbian
province of Kosovo.
Before a meeting with
his Albanian counterpart, Rexhep Meidani, President Demirel said both countries
backed a peaceful settlement to the crisis.
President Demirel, who's
accompanied by the Turkish foreign minister Ismail Cem and over one hundred
businessmen, is scheduled to hold talks with the Prime Minister, Fatos
Nano later today.
From the newsroom of the BBC World Service
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