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Link to Detailed map of Kosova  81 KB      Link to detailed new map of Kosova  197 KB

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4. Reports from Human Rights Organisations
    especially CDHRF (Council for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms, Prishtina)
LINK to  further reports and news

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Betreff:      [ALBANEWS] Yugoslavia and Kosovo: New Important Human Rights Reports
Datum:      Tue, 11 Aug 1998 18:34:32 +0300
    Von:     Greek Helsinki Monitor <helsinki@COMPULINK.GR>

Academic Leaders Protest Serbian Government Assault on Universities

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"The new law is a disastrous development for academics and for the future of public discussion and debate in Serbia...With international attention riveted on the conflict in Kosovo, Milosevic is tightening the screws at home."
 
Joseph Saunders
Human Rights Watch academic freedom specialist

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 (New York, August 10)--In an open letter today to Serbian President Milutinovic, the Human Rights Watch Academic Freedom Committee, a group of internationally prominent scholars and academic leaders, protests a new Serbian law that the committee calls "an unprecedented assault on academic freedom and the autonomy of Serbian universities."
On May 26, 1998, the Serbian parliament passed a new law, the University Act, which gives government authorities exclusive power to appoint rectors, faculty deans, and governing boards at all public universities. The new law also requires that all faculty members sign new employment contracts, regardless of the terms and conditions of their existing contracts. Since the adoption of the new law, rectors, deans, and members of governing boards at universities across Serbia have been replaced with government appointees, many of them prominent members of the ruling political parties in Serbia; protests against the new law have been violently dispersed; and professors involved with opposition political parties or publicly opposed to the policies of Yugoslav President Milosevic have come under fire.

"The new law is a disastrous development for academics and for the future of public discussion and debate in Serbia," said Human Rights Watch academic freedom specialist Joseph Saunders. Noting the lack of attention paid by the international community to the crackdown on independent voices in Serbia, he added: "With international attention riveted on the conflict in Kosovo, Milosevic is tightening the screws at home."

The letter was signed on behalf of the committee by Yuri Orlov, senior scientist at Cornell University and founder of the Moscow Helsinki Group, and by Jonathan F. Fanton, president of the New School for Social Research in New York. The committee membership includes the presidents of Harvard University, Columbia University and over a dozen other universities in the United States, as well as internationally prominent academics such as Lord Ralf Dahrendorf of St. Antony's College at Oxford, Krzysztof Michalski of the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna, Ariel Dorfman of Duke University, John Kenneth Galbraith of Harvard University, and Fang Lizhi of the University of Arizona.

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Human Rights Watch

Human Rights Watch is a nongovernmental organization established in 1978 to monitor and promote the observance of internationally recognized human rights in Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East and among the signatories of the Helsinki accords. It is supported by contributions from private individuals and foundations worldwide. It accepts no government funds, directly or indirectly.

The Human Rights Watch Academic Freedom Committee

The Human Rights Watch Academic Freedom Committee aims to monitor, expose, and mobilize concerted action to challenge threats to academic freedom worldwide, and to foster greater scholarly and media attention to the critical role played by higher education in the development and preservation of civil society.

When teachers, researchers and students are harassed or imprisoned for exercising their rights of free expression and inquiry, when their work or research is censored, when access to educational institutions is restricted on discriminatory grounds, or when universities and schools are closed for political reasons, the committee responds by publicizing the abuses in the media and in the academic community, sending protest letters to appropriate government officials, and uniting concerned organizations in coordinated campaigns for effective international action.

The Human Rights Watch Academic Freedom Committee is composed of twenty-eight university presidents and scholars. Its co-chairs are Jonathan Fanton of the New School for Social Research, Hanna Holborn Gray of the University of Chicago, Vartan Gregorian of the Carnegie Corporation, and Charles Young of the University of California at Los Angeles.

Its membership currently includes:
Johnetta Cole, President Emerita, Spelman College;
Joel Conarroe, President, John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation;
Lord Ralf Dahrendorf, Warden, St. Antony's College, Oxford;
Ariel Dorfman, Research Professor, Duke University;
Thomas Ehrlich, Stanford University Law School;
James O. Freedman, President, Dartmouth College;
John Kenneth Galbraith, Professor Emeritus, Harvard University;
Bernard Harleston, Professor, Harvard Graduate School of Education;
Alice Stone Ilchman, President, Sarah Lawrence College;
Stanley N. Katz, Professor, Princeton University;
Nannerl O. Keohane, President, Duke University;
James T. Laney, President, Emory University;
Paul LeClerc, President, The New York Public Library;
Fang Lizhi, Professor, University of Arizona;
Walter E. Massey, President, Morehouse College;
Krzysztof Michalski, Professor, Institute for Human Sciences, Vienna;
Joseph A. O'Hare, President, Fordham University;
L. Jay Oliva, President, New York University;
Yuri Orlov, Senior Scientist, Cornell University;
Frank H. T. Rhodes, President Emeritus, Cornell University;
Neil Rudenstine, President, Harvard University;
George Rupp, President, Columbia University;
Judith R. Shapiro, President, Barnard College;
Michael Sovern, Professor, Columbia University Law School;
Chang-Lin Tien, Chancellor Emeritus, University of California at Berkeley.

For more information:
Joseph Saunders, Human Rights Watch: (212) 216-1207
Fred Abrahams, Human Rights Watch: (212) 216-1270
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Academic Leaders Protest Serbian Government Assault on Universities -- HRW Letter

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 August 10, 1998
The Honorable Milan Milutinovic
President, Republic of Serbia
Belgrade, Yugoslavia
 

Dear President Milutinovic:

On behalf of the Human Rights Watch Academic Freedom Committee, a group of scholars and academic leaders organized in 1991 to protest restrictions on academic freedom and abuse of the basic rights of educators and students worldwide, we are writing this open letter to express our grave concern over the assault on university autonomy and academic freedom currently underway in Serbia.

On May 26, 1998, the Serbian parliament passed a new law, the University Act, giving the Serbian government broad new powers over public universities in Serbia. The law was published in the official gazette of the Republic of Serbia and signed into law on May 28, 1998. The University Act abolishes the autonomy of the universities:

The law authorizes the government to appoint university rectors and faculty deans without input from professors or other members of the academic community (Article 108; Article 123, Para. 2).

The law strips professors and other teaching staff of the right to propose members of university and faculty-level governing and supervisory boards, the membership of which is determined by the government (Articles 128, 131). Although faculty governing boards continue to include places reserved for professors and students, such individuals are appointed by the government and can be removed by the government.

The law authorizes the government to shut down public universities at its discretion (Article 18, Para. 2). The University Act also abrogates existing contracts of teaching staff, including the contracts of tenured faculty members:

The law requires that all professors and other teaching staff sign new employment contracts. Article 165 of the law states: "Employees of the University who have begun employment up to the date of entry into force of this law are obliged to conclude a labor contract within 60 days of the entry into force of this Law."
The precise implications of Article 165 are unclear. Although the University Act does not expressly declare existing contracts null and void, or provide for specific penalties for those who refuse to sign new contracts, there is widespread fear among faculty members that government-appointed deans will interpret the new law aggressively and take punitive measures against those who do not sign. Since the law was passed, hundreds of professors have signed declarations opposing the law and stating that they will not sign new contracts while their existing contracts are still in effect. Many academics have compared the new contract requirement to an oath of loyalty to the existing government. The sixty-day period specified in the law expired on August 5, 1998. At the time this letter was prepared, the fate of professors who had refused to sign new contracts was still uncertain.

Since the adoption of the University Act, administrators deemed "unsuitable" by the government have been replaced at universities across Serbia. Not all new administrators have cracked down on perceived political enemies among faculty and staff, but the broad powers given them under the new law invite such arbitrary exercise of power. The most dramatic changes under the new law have taken place at the University of Belgrade, which in recent years has been a center of student protest and is home to a number of prominent faculty critics of the current Yugoslav and Serbian governments.

The law has had the following consequences at the University of Belgrade:

Of thirty deans of faculty at the University of Belgrade, sixteen have been replaced even though the terms for which they had been elected had not expired. Four of the sixteen themselves resigned in protest against the new law (Marija Bogdanovic, Fedor Zdanski, Ivan Juranic, Zoran Kadelburg). All four had participated in protests in 1996-97 against what they believed were rigged elections and the rector's support of police measures against student demonstrators. Of the twelve deans who were removed by the government, at least half had taken part in the 1996-97 protests. None of the replaced deans, however, were members of political parties. By contrast, fifteen of the sixteen newly appointed deans are members of the ruling parties. In addition, Mr. Jagos Puric, the newly appointed rector of the university, was formerly a prominent member of the communist party and is now a member of the Yugoslav Left (JUL), a party led by Mira Markovic, the wife of Yugoslav President Slobodon Milosevic.

At least thirteen politicians influential in Serbia's ruling coalition – comprised of JUL (see above), the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), and the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) – were named to the governing and supervisory boards of the university and its component faculties. Goran Matic and Leposava Milicevic, high-ranking members of JUL, were appointed to the governing board of the university. Vojislav Seselj, president of the ultra-nationalist SRS, now sits on the governing board of the university as well as the governing boards of the Faculty of Law and the Faculty of Economics. Another SRS leader, Aleksandar Vucic, now sits on the governing boards of the university and the Faculty of Philosophy. Branislav Ivkovic, a high-ranking member of the SPS, was named to the governing board of the university, as was his colleague Goran Percevic, vice-president of the SPS. Other influential members of the ruling parties named to one or more governing boards include: Milovan Bojic, Ivan Markovic, Radoman Bozovic, Srdjan Smiljkovic, Goran Trivan, Milos Aleksic, and Zivorad Djordjevic.

At the Faculty of Philology, the government appointed Prof. Radmilo Marojevic, a member of the SRS and a junior professor of Russian, as the new dean. At a press conference on July 11, 1998, Marojevic stated that professors in his faculty were not doing "useful work." In subsequent weeks, he announced that professors could not take their holiday leave until after August 6, the deadline under the University Act for all professors to sign new employment contracts. Marojevic also interpreted the requirement that professors sign new employment contracts broadly, stating:
"It is not only a question of whether a professor or associate wants to sign the contract, but whether I, as the Dean of the Faculty, who defends the interests of the Republic of Serbia and its scholarship and education in this case, shall want to sign it." Marojevic decided that Professor Ranko Bugarski, a renowned professor of linguistics and a prominent and influential critic of the nationalist policies of the government, was no longer eligible to work at the university because he had reached the retirement age of sixty-five. Professor Bugarski, however, had signed a new two-year contract under the former dean in May 1998 and the Serbian Labor Relations Act expressly authorizes such an extension. Marojevic also has announced his intention to disband the Department of World Literature. The current head of the department, Professor Vladeta Jankovic, is prominent in the opposition. Many of Marojevic's policies are being challenged by professors and have not yet been implemented, but the broad power given to government-appointed university officials under the new law invites those kinds of policies.

At the Faculty of Electrical Engineering, the newly appointed dean, Vlada Teodosic, issued a decision on July 8, 1998 stripping Professor Slavoljub Marjanovic, an internationally respected scientist, of "all rights and obligations . . . for the subjects of Electronics I and II." The action against Prof. Marjanovic appears to have been taken in retaliation for his opposition to the changes taking place under the new law. On the acknowledgments page of his recently issued textbook on electronics, Prof. Marjanovic, who already had been threatened with suspension by the new dean, stated that he was omitting the names of his colleagues to save them from potential harassment by the new faculty authorities. He was relieved of teaching duties shortly thereafter. The new dean also appointed Milos Laban as a new associate professor. Mr. Laban, an unsuccessful candidate of the SPS in parliamentary elections in 1990 and 1992, had been refused such an appointment by the academic council of the faculty prior to the government takeover. Because of the powers granted him under the new law, the new dean was free to ignore the prior recommendation of faculty members.

Prof. Vladimir Stambuk, a member of the directorate of JUL and new dean at the Faculty of Political Science, announced that he would review all teaching appointments made in the last twenty years and refuse to sign contracts with "those who have not been adequate for their jobs."

In the days immediately before and after the passage of the University Act, the government cracked down hard on demonstrations protesting the law. The most brutal crackdown occurred on May 26, 1998, the day the law was passed by the Serbian parliament, when anti-riot police moved in on approximately 1,500 protesting students, professors, and citizens. At least ten students and professors required medical attention after the assault. Another student demonstration protesting the law was violently dispersed on June 2, 1998. Both demonstrations reportedly had been nonviolent. The government claims that the protesters lacked proper permits for the rallies.
<\ul> The developments described above constitute an unprecedented assault on academic freedom and the autonomy of Serbian universities, a principle established in Serbia nearly two centuries ago. Academic excellence requires that decisions affecting teaching, scholarship, and research be made on the basis of academic merit, not political favoritism or ideological litmus tests. The danger of the new law is that such decisions have been put into the hands of government-appointed officials, with no participation by faculty members, apart from a handful of faculty members selected by the government. Even during the Nazi occupation of Serbia in the early 1940s, the ruling authorities were required by law to consider proposals from the professorate before appointing university and faculty leaders.

Government officials and university administrators close to the government have attempted to justify the government's de facto takeover of the universities by stating that higher education in Serbia has become inefficient because some faculty are not fulfilling their responsibilities, and by insisting that the universities must be forcefully "de-politicized" because faculty are spending too much of their time engaging in opposition political activities. Neither of these rationales supports the actions taken by the Serbian government.

First, whatever the motives of the government in passing the University Act, the new law removes existing safeguards for academic autonomy and thus opens the door to political meddling in academic affairs by both present and future governments of Serbia. In principle, the university is an institution open to all on the basis of merit, and should serve as an important intellectual resource not only to governments and industry, but also to individuals and interests independent of the state. The University Act, however, appears to be turning universities into institutions that exclusively serve the interests of Serbian state authorities.

Second, if university officials believe that professors or other teaching staff are not fulfilling their responsibilities, they should proceed against such individuals on a case-by-case basis according to the terms of existing employment contracts and, where applicable, existing guarantees of tenure. Such proceedings should be adjudicated by an impartial arbiter, giving the individual professor or teacher involved every opportunity to defend himself or herself according to recognized principles of contract law and due process.

Finally, the exercise by professors of their rights as citizens to express their views should not be the cause for their dismissal or any other form of retaliation against them. As advocates of human rights and academic freedom, it is not our intention to support or dispute the opinions, ideas, or research findings of the academics and students whose cases we discuss. It is, however, a central feature of our mandate to defend their right to express their views and to study, research, teach, and publish without interference.

The Serbian government's academic justification for its assault on the universities is pernicious. Experience has repeatedly demonstrated that academic freedom – and the spirit of critical inquiry it embodies – cannot flourish where members of the academic community must fear censorship and politically motivated reprisals for expression of their views. To the extent that the University Act authorizes government-appointed university administrators to remove or otherwise sanction faculty members who have been critical of the government or active in the opposition, it violates internationally recognized human rights law, depriving such professors of their rights to free expression, association, and assembly.

As set forth in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), of which Yugoslavia is a signatory, freedom of expression "shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds." Articles 21 and 22 of the ICCPR guarantee "the right of peaceful assembly" and "the right to freedom of association with others," respectively. These freedoms are essential preconditions to academic excellence. A university fulfills its mission when academics are not forced to support an official line, an economic agenda, or a political ideology, but rather are free to use their talents to advance human knowledge and understanding. Freedom of expression, association, and assembly are also core civil and political rights essential to citizen autonomy. There can be no liberty and no meaningful citizenship where individuals can lose their livelihood for peacefully expressing their views or participating in political associations not favored by the authorities.

We respectfully urge the Serbian government to repeal the University Act, restore the autonomy of universities in Serbia, and guarantee the right of students and professors to exercise their rights of free expression, association, and assembly without fear of reprisal. Professors and other teaching staff who have refused to sign new employment contracts while their existing contracts are still in effect should under no circumstances be removed from their positions or otherwise be penalized for their principled stance.

Thank you for your consideration of these important matters. We look forward to your reply.

Sincerely yours,

/s/ Yuri Orlov
Human Rights Watch Academic Freedom Committee
Senior Scientist, Cornell University

/s/ Jonathan F. Fanton
Co-Chair, Human Rights Watch Academic Freedom Committee
President, New School for Social Research

cc: The Honorable Mirko Marjanovic, Prime Minister, Republic of Serbia
The Honorable Dragan Tomic, President of Parliament, Republic of Serbia
The Honorable Jovo Todorovic, Minister of Education, Republic of Serbia
The Honorable Slobodon Milosevic, President, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

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Society for Threatened Peoples
Human rights organisation for ethnic and religious minorities in consultative status with the UN Economic and Social Council
Reply to: europa@gfbv.de
 

On Friday, 7 August 1998, the Society for Threatened Peoples (Gesellschaft fuer bedrohte Voelker, GfbV), the second largest human rights organisation in middle Europe, submitted their latest report about the violations of human rights committed by the Serbian troops in Kosovo.  The report summarises all so far known information about expulsion, massacres, mass executions, hostage taking and "disappearances".  We are sending you a summary of this report today.  The full version comprises 44 pages and can be obtained from the GfbV in Germany under the telephone number +49 551 49906-11 or -28.  Until now, the report has only been available in German and will be translated in the coming weeks.

Kosovo: War, Mass Expulsion, Massacres
A Report By The Society For Threatened Peoples
August 1998

- Summary -

In Kosovo, the Milosevic regime is making war with the non-Serbian people of former Yugoslavia for the fourth time.  Until 1989, Kosovo, which has a population of more than 90 per cent Albanians, was an autonomous area inside former Yugoslavia, and politically equal to the six republics.  Immediately after he took over power, Milosevic abolished this status of autonomy.  Kosovo was subject to rigid policies of serbianisation.  The Kosovo Albanians have continued a non-violent resistence to these policies for years, and hoped for help from outside to achieve self-determination again. However, after the Dayton Conference, the governments of the so-called Bosnian Contact Group (with the exception of the USA) recognised the new "Federal Republic of Yugoslavia", without considering the interests of the Albanians.  In this way they created the facts of international law which are allegedly making intervention in the "internal affairs" of Serbia impossible today, which means intervention in the war against two million Kosovo Albanians by the Milosevic regime.

Preparations For War

The war against the Kosovo Albanians has been being prepared by the Milosevic regime for a long time.  The first signs occured already at the end of 1997.  On 11 February 1998 at a press conference in Novi Sad representatives of opposition parties in Vojvodina pointed out that they had "incontrovertible evidence" that the army was being mobilised for war in Kosovo.  On 5 March 1998, shortly after the outbreak of the fighting, UNHCR speaker Mons Nyberg protested against the recruitment of Serbian refugees from Croatia for military service in Kosovo, in opposition to international humanitarian law.  In June 1998, members of the Hungarian minority from Vojvodine confirmed to the Society for Threatened Peoples that more that three hundred soldiers were in operation in Kosovo against their will.  The strength of the Serbian forces is estimated at up to 50,000 men, the cost of the war is estimated at two million US dollars daily. In addition, the Serbian troops in Kosovo are running looted Dutch APCs, stolen in July 1995 from the Dutch UNPROFOR who were stationed in Srebrenica.

The Course Of War

The war began on 28 February 1998 with the massacres in the Drenica region and extended quickly.  The war in central Kosovo started in the middle of June, the fighting intensified in the regions of Mitrovica and Prizren in the middle of July, and on 14 July Serbian troops were observed in the south, in the region of Opoje on the border to Macedonia.  On 19 July, the Serbian troops fired numerous grenades into the territory of the neighbouring state of Albania.  On 25 July the Serbian troops finally started their large offensive in central Kosovo.  During the attacks, they went forward directly against the civilians.  Two people from the Yugoslavian Army who surrendered to the "Kosovo Liberation Army", UCK, told the OSCE that they received such commands.

Refugees

The number of refugees is increasing constantly.  From the beginning of March until the beginning of July, there were 160,000 people in flight, according to estimates by the GfbV.  Albanian aid organisations give a figure of 200,000 refugees already on 16 July.  On 29 July, the Kosovo relief organisation, Mother Theresa, in Malisheva estimated the figure of inland refugees to be 263,000.  International organisations are warning of a humanitarian tragedy.  Already in June 1998 Charles Raedersdorf, the leader of the Swiss relief agency, SKH, called for urgent preparations for the breakout of winter which is to be expected in the middle of October.

The Plan Of The Attacks

The attacks follow a system which reminds one of every attack during the Bosnian War.  They frequently begin with a surprise attack at dawn which is carried out using heavy weapons such as rockets and grenades.  Then snipers are positioned who restrict freedom of movement of the civilian population.  As a result, many civilians hide themselves in the woods and return to their houses by night in order to receive necessities for their survival.  Finally heavily armed troops draw in who block all transport connections during the day.  Under their protection, special units in dark uniforms with machetes and "scorpion" guns arrive in the area.  These troops are supposed to carry out massacres.  After days or weeks of terror, the bombardments are increased further and in addition continued into the night, until the population leaves the area.  Plundering follows.  The houses are burnt to the ground.  The cattle are left uncared for or are killed.  According to statistics from the GfbV, between the beginning of March and the end of July 1998, more than two hundred and fifty Albanian villages were attacked by the Serbian forces, bombarded with heavy artillery and partly or completely destroyed.  According to the US human rights organisation, Physicians for Human Rights, women were imprisoned and raped.  Some women are said to be "missing" thereafter.  The GfbV estimates that at least 1,000 people had been killed by the end of July.

Massacres And Mass Killings

Since the offensive in the Drenica region at the beginning of March, the Serbian forces (Serbian special police, the Yugoslavian Army, and paramilitary "Chetnik" troops under the leadership of the alleged war criminals, Zeljko Raznjatovic "Arkan" and Vojislav Seselj) have committed severe violations of human rights against the Albanian population.  During the massacres in Qirez/Cirez, Likoshan/Likosan, Prekaz, Glogjan/Glodjan, Zhara, Drenoc, Lubeniq/Ljubenic, Poklek i Ri near Glogovc/Glogovac, Padesh in the mountains near Decan, and during the storming of the town of Raho-vec/Orahovac, whole families were executed, pregnant women, elderly people and children were killed, men were hung up on electricity pilons and hand grenades were thrown into cellars housing refugees.  The Albanian human rights organisation, Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF), in Prishtina, the Serbian human rights organisation, Humanitarian Law Fund (HLF), in Belgrade, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Physicians for Human Rights and UN investigators have submitted first documentations of the events on the basis of local investigations and witness statements.  The UN War Crimes Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the Hague started investigations into crimes in Kosovo on 12 June 1998.CampsSome reports say that prisoners are being held temporarily, tortured and probably executed in the Serbian forces headquarter "Munitions Factory" in Skenderaj/Srbica.  According to statements by the Greek Helsinki Committee and by Human Rights Watch, again and again refugees have named the secondary school and the "Dekor" building in the now destroyed town of Decan as an internment camp for Albanian men.  In the prison in Gjilan/Gnilane, Albanian prisoners were apparently so seriously mistreated that one was able to hear their cries of pain from the street. The whole area of Kosovo is under the control of Serbian forces who have erected a comprehensive network of checkpoints on all streets, important crossroads, train stations, bus stops, and arterial roads in the towns and villages. Men of military age in particular are being pulled out of buses and trains incessantly (predominantly by the Serbian forces, but also by the Kosovo Albanian guerilla army, the UCK) and during the conquering of towns and villages are being arrested and mistreated, as well as imprisoned and abducted.

Missing Persons

While about 400 Albanians are missing without a trace on the one hand, on the other hand, again and again, corpses are being found or being brought into morgues by the police under unexplained circumstances, as well as being unidentified.  On 8  July 1998, in a dramatic appeal, the Kosova Albanian human rights organisation Council for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF) called on "all sides" to respect the Geneva Conventions and release all prisoners.  According to statements by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the fate of 130 Serbian people remains unexplained.

The Humanitarian Situation

Since March 1998, the humanitarian situation in the whole area of Kosovo has been strained. Tens of thousands of refugees from the immediate areas of fighting must be cared for.  The relief provided by international aid organisations is being seized or stopped and is not allowed to pass into the emergency areas. In twelve areas of Kosovo, mainly in the west and south west, the provision of food stuffs, medication and other relief goods have been partly or completely blocked since March.  Electricity and water were also partly or completely broken down. The population in these areas was estimated to be 750,000 people in the middle of June, of which more than 100,000 are refugees.  While the UCK controlled areas are hermetically encircled by the Serbian troops, the people in the Serbian areas are also living in an exceptional situation.  Every move is watched by the Serbian snipers, no-one can enter or leave the area freely.  Again and again, relief transports are turned back and workers in Albanian relief organisations are imprisoned for "supporting the enemy".

Human Rights Violations By the UCK

The Kosovo Albanian guerilla army, the Kosovo Liberation Front UCK, comprising 30,000 men according to their own statements in the middle of July, have declared that they respect international humanitarian law.  Massacres and the employment of artillery against Serbian civilians are not known of until now.  However, according to information presented to the GfbV, the UCK have been involved in hostage taking, mistreatment and disappearances of predominantly male Serbian civilians and non-combattants, even if not on the same scale as the Serbian forces.  UCK speaker, Jakub Krasniqi confessed that the UCK have carried out executions, in the Albanian newspaper, Koha Ditore.  On 8 July 1998, the Albanian human rights organisation, CDHRF claimed the number of Serbians missing was 32, while the ICRC spoke of 130 missing Serbians at the end of July.  Apparently, elderly people and women are handled fairly by the UCK, while men of military age and allegedly Albanian "collaborators" are victims of human rights violations.

Appeal from the Society for Threatened Peoples (GfbV)

* The GfbV appeals to the governments of the so-called Bosnian Contact Group, in particular the German Government, to put a stop to the "ethnic cleansing" in Kosovo and to give the Serbian leadership an ultimatum.  The Serbian forces must return to their barracks immediately and leave Kosovo within fourteen days, release all hostages and prisoners immediately, and allow relief organisations and representatives of the UN complete freedom of movement.  If Milosevic ignores these demands, then NATO must prevent further attacks on the Albanian population in Kosovo.

* The GfbV appeals to the governments of the Contact Group to demand of the Albanian resistance movement, the UCK, the release of all hostages and prisoners, the punishment of all perpetrators of violence within the UCK, the explanation of the fate of all Serbian civilians whose disappearence is connected with the operations of the UCK, the end of the practice of condemning alleged "collaborators" without a far trial, as well as the respect of the cultural, historical and religious monuments and goods of the Serbian minority population in Kosovo.

* The GfbV asks the governments of the Contact Group to organise free and secret elections in Kosovo, under international control, to recognise the decision of this parliament about the future status of Kosovo in international law, and to guarantee the realisation of this decision, as well as to take care that the human and minority rights of the Serbian, Montenegrian, the Muslim Bosnian, Turkish and Roma peoples in Kosovo are protected by a minority statute.The complete report (in German) can be obtained from the Society for Threatened Peoples under the telephone number +49 551 4990611 or by email under versand@gfbv.de. The English translation will be available in the end of August.

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                                PRESS RELEASE

ICG Publishes Report Examining the Macedonian Dimension of the Kosovo Conflict

                                10 August 1998

The International Crisis Group (ICG) publishes today a report examining the Macedonian dimension of the Kosovo conflict.

The 24-page report, entitled The Albanian Question in Macedonia: Implications of the Kosovo Conflict for Inter-Ethnic Relations in Macedonia is the latest in a series of ICG studies in the southern Balkans and the second to focus specifically on Macedonia.

As the one former Yugoslav republic which has managed to keep itself out of the wars of Yugoslav dissolution, Macedonia has often appeared to outsiders as a beacon of hope in the Balkans.  However, inter-ethnic relations in the young state are poor.

As fighting between ethnic Albanian separatists and the Serbian police and military escalates in Kosovo, relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians -- who make up at least 23 percent of the population -- are deteriorating alarmingly.  As a result, Macedonia and its entire population, irrespective of ethnic origins, stand to be among the greatest long-term losers of the Kosovo conflict.

The report discusses the domestic context of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia and assesses the influence of events in Kosovo on the aspirations and strategies of ethnic Albanians in Macedonia.  It also analyses the increase in inter-ethnic tension in Macedonia as a result of the conflict in Kosovo.

It looks at existing security arrangements in the country and the possible ramifications of additional foreign military deployment in Macedonia.  The report also considers how the international community might take account of the fragile situation in Macedonia when framing its response to the crisis in Kosovo, and contains a series of recommendations about appropriate international actions to alleviate the tension in Macedonia and to contribute towards longer-term stability.

Appendices at the end list key constitutional provisions and include a useful who’s who of Macedonian politics and media.

For further information and copies of the report, contact ICG in Sarajevo on (+387 71) 447 845, 447 846 or 200 447, in Washington on (+1 202) 986 9750, or in Brussels on (+32 2) 502 9038.  The report can also be accessed via the Internet on ICG’s web site - http://www.intl-crisis-group.org.

_______________________________________

Greek Helsinki Monitor & Minority Rights Group - Greece
P.O. Box 51393     GR-14510 Kifisia     Greece
Tel. +30-1-620.01.20     Fax +30-1-807.57.67     e-mail: office@greekhelsinki.gr
http://www.greekhelsinki.gr

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         Report No.429a
Datum:         Tue, 11 Aug 1998 09:09:30 -0700
    Von:         "Ibrahim Sh. Makolli" <ibro@EUnet.yu>
REPORT NO. 429

ON THE WIDESPREAD REPRESSION AND HARASSMENT PERPETRATED BY
THE SERBIAN POLICE AND OTHER AUTHORITIES IN KOSOVA
FROM AUGUST 6, UNTIL AUGUST 9, 1998

The attacks of Serbian police and military forces continue. Serb paramilitaries continue to plunder, burn and destroy the Albanian houses which were preserved up to now. Many were killed or died due to wounds or torture. Many were arrested and ill-treated. Yet, what threatens most, are the 270.000 displaced persons, mainly women, children and elderly. Those who did not manage to flee to Albania, Montenegro or to other regions which were not affected by war, had to seek safety in the open, with no food and water, clothing, medicine or medical assistance. They are threatened by epidemics and a true humanitarian catastrophe. We continue to list the names of those killed and massacred or those who died due to torture during the last few days.
On July 29, Serb paramilitaries killed Ramë S. Gashi (78), a shepherd from Lutogllava near Peja.
On August 2, Nekë Halit Pajaziti (53) from Dobrosh near Gjakova was killed between the villages of Meja and Madanaj.
On August 4, Teki Ramshaj (26) from Rahovec died due to being tortured at the police station in Prizren.
On August 5, Agim Brahim Zekaj (27) from Raushiq was found killed in the vicinity of the police check-point in the outskirts of Peja.  Brahim Krasniqi from the village of Maxhunaj near Vushtrria died in the Tirana hospital. He died due to wounds inflicted by shelling.
On August 6, Idriz Ramadan Krasniqi (1985) was killed by the Serbian police in Billusha near Prizren. Jeton Tërstena (24) was killed in Pantina near Vushtrria.
On August 7, Serbian forces killed Elmi Veli Kadriu (51), from Likoc, mentally ill, Sokol Aruçi (60) and Hana Zabeli (85) from Rezalla, paralysed. In Abria e Epërme, two youngsters were killed due to shelling. Two corpses were brought to the morgue of the Gjakova hospital. It is supposed that the killed are Prekë Shaban Krasniqi and Prelë Sadri Krasniqi from the village of Meqa near Gjakova. Mark Tunë Lleshaj (73) and Kolë Gjon Lleshaj (30) were killed while defending their houses in the village of Vraniq near Gjakova.
On August 8, Serbian forces killed Shaban Osaj, Ajne Zymer Zymeraj, Çaush Arif Bajraktari and his 70-year-old wife. All were killed in their flatys in Deçan. Miftar Zekaj (70) from Rracaj near Reka e Keqe was buried in Shaptej near Deçan. He was killed while fleeing from the Serbian agression. Fetah Bali Gashi (90) was buried in the village of Bubavec near Malisheva. The corpses of Murat Kryeziu (50) and Hazir Kryeziu (50) could not be buried. All three were killed due to shelling.

Prishtina, August 11, 1998              Information Service

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:             Re: [ALBANEWS] Kosovo Update
Datum:             Tue, 11 Aug 1998 08:55:23 +0200
    Von:             Rreze Duli <rreze@EUnet.yu>
Situation Update

Many Convoys

Mercy Corps International made several distributions today in three different locations.  A convoy with Catholic Relief Services, Children's Aid Direct and Doctors of the World went to western Malisevo/Malisheva today to deliver food and non-food items.  MCI sent 5 tons of wheat flour, 2 tons of detergent, 100 blankets, 300 kg of milk powder, 600 jars of baby food and 110 packs of high protein biscuits.

At the same time, MCI arranged a convoy consisting of seven trucks, one 4WD vehicle and one van to Vushtri/Vucitern and Mitrovica.  A total of 84 tons of wheat flour, 100 cooking stoves, 50 bales of plastic sheeting, 200 blankets and 71 sleeping pads were delivered.  Doctors of the World sent 3,000 food packs to both locations.  All items are for IDPs, host families and social cases and were delivered to the Mother Theresa Society warehouses in both locations.  The convoy encountered one police checkpoint before Vushtri and were waved on after a 15 minute delay.  Police were very professional and courteous.

MCI staff conducted an assessment in the area near Vushtri/Vucitern and made a visit to Qirez, in the Serbica/Skenderaj municipality.  Along the road, dozens of tractors and cars taking IDP families to Vushtri were noted.  Staff counted between 200-300 people in tractors/cars.  In Qirez, between 500-800 IDPs were counted, some living in the school and some in the local Mosque.  Those whom staff spoke with had arrived within the past two days from nearby villages, some from Likovc which was shelled earlier in the day. Smoke from that direction could be seen.  A few UCK soldiers were in the area and one UCK checkpoint had to be crossed.  Most families we spoke with were preparing to go to Vushtri.

Montenegro Flour

By the end of this week, Mercy Corps International will have made good on its pledge to deliver 150 tons of wheat flour to Montenegro.  The lastest IDP counts for Montenegro are over 23,000.  MCI will continue to assess the situation there and will work with UNHCR and other organizations to address the needs of IDPs.

August 8 IDP Count

The Mother Theresa Society has put the August 8 IDP count at over 307,000 for Kosovo.  This is up from 263,000 on July 28.  Most news organizations are now quoting over 200,000 IDPs and Richard Holbrooke noted on CNN a figure of "10 percent of the population" which is consistent with 200,000. People continue to move from village to village and a large number of people (50,000-100,000) are now living outside in disasterous conditions. They are living in crowded, unsanitary and primitive conditions with the potential for health hazards growing day by day.

The Mother Theresa Society count (by municipality) for August 8 is:

 8,000          Serbica/Skenderaj
17,000          Glogovac/Gllogovc
50,000          Mitrovica
10,000          Lipjan
18,000          Vushtri/Vucitern
   480          Obilic/Obiliq
11,330          Pristina
40,000          Malisevo/Malisheva
10,000          Istog
   N/A          Runik
30,500          Pec/Peja
10,000          Klina
25,000          Djakovica/Gjakova
   N/A          Fushe Kosove
 7,800          Ferizaj
25,000          Decan
   N/A          Junik
25,000          Suhareke
 3,900          Magure
   N/A          Isniq
 5,500          Shtimje
   N/A          Rahovec
   120          Mramor
10,000          Prizren
   N/A          Caber

307,396 Total for Kosovo

 5,800          Rozaje (Montenegro)
 6,402          Plav
10,300          Ulcin

22,502          Total for Montenegro

We will continue to keep you updated as we receive information on this humanitarian crisis.

Rrezja

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] NEWS:
                    American Scientists Call For War Crimes Trial Of Slobodan Milosevic
Datum:         Tue, 11 Aug 1998 04:08:55 -0400
    Von:         TRABOINI <traboini@EROLS.COM>
U.S. Newswire
 7 Aug 11:55

 FAS Statement on Tribunal for Kosovo War Crimes
 To: National and International desk
 Contact Jeremy J. Stone of the Federation of American Scientists,  202-546-3300

   WASHINGTON, Aug. 7 /U.S. Newswire/ -- The following was released today by the Federation of American Scientists:

                TRIBUNAL EXISTS FOR KOSOVO WAR CRIMES

   An International Tribunal exists with the jurisdiction and the competence to review war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia and its governing statute covers, besides genocide, crimes against humanity that include "forced deportation".

   In the attached letter to the Tribunal's prosecutor, faxed to her today, the Federation of American Scientists (FAS) called upon her to investigate the actions of Yugoslav Army forces and armed units allied with them in apparent efforts to "cleanse parts of Kosovo of its ethnic Albanian citizens."  Upon discussions with human rights advisers on genocide and war crimes, the scientists' group concluded that this constituted forced deportations.

   The Federation noted in its letter that Article 7 of the Tribunal's Statute holds responsible all persons who have "planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in the planning and preparation of a crime."  And this included, under the same article, all officials, including a "head of state."

   Asked why there had not been more notice taken of the authority of this Tribunal for actions in Kosovo, FAS President Jeremy J. Stone said: "The West is torn between hoping that President Milosevic will help end the fighting and, on the other hand, denouncing the actions of his army as war crimes.  The time has come to call in the prosecutors."

   The Federation of American Scientists (FAS), a democratic non-profit civic organization, founded in 1945 by World War II atomic scientists, is sponsored by 59 Nobel Prize winners and has worked for peace and disarmament, throughout the world, for five decades.
    ------
   Following is the text of the letter:

   August 6, 1998

   The Honorable Louise Arbour
   Prosecutor
   The International Tribunal for The Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in The Territory of The Former Yugoslavia Since 1991.

  The Hague, The Netherlands

   Dear Justice Arbour:

   The International Tribunal has jurisdiction over all crimes agai nst humanity, war crimes, and genocide committed since 1991 in the territory of the former Yugoslavia.  This area includes Kosovo.

   From news reports, it appears that there is an organized effort by Yugoslav Army forces, and armed units allied with them, to cleanse parts of Kosovo of its ethnic Albanian citizens by committing sufficient killing of these Albanians, and wholesale destruction of their property, to put them to instant flight and to keep them too terrorized to return to their homes.  Article 5 of the Tribunal's Statute gives the Tribunal the authority to prosecute, as a crime against humanity, just such "forced deportations"--as well as the genocide perpetrated by mass murder on ethnic and religious grounds of Albanians.

   Under Article 7 of the Tribunal's Statute, all persons who have "planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in the planning and preparation of a crime" are individually responsible.  And because these crimes are being committed by Yugoslav troops, officials of the Yugoslav Government, including its Head of State, have command responsibilities under this same article which observes: "The official position of any person whether as head of state or Government or as a responsible government official shall not relieve such person of criminal responsibility nor mitigate punishment."

   The Federation of American Scientists (FAS) calls upon the International Tribunal to investigate these deportations, and related crimes, and to make known immediately to relevant officials of the Yugoslav Government, the Tribunal's authority to punish such actions.

   Sincerely,

   Jeremy J. Stone
   President
   Federation of American Scientists

_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] Mass Graves
Datum:         Mon, 10 Aug 1998 16:56:14 -500
    Von:         Rick Sollom <rsollom@phrusa.org> _________________________________________________________________________
5.  additional press news
_______________________________________________________________________
Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] NEWS: KOSOVA UPDATE, AUGUST 11, 1998
Datum:         Tue, 11 Aug 1998 14:00:51 -0400
    Von:         Sokol Rama <sokolrama@sprynet.com> _________________________________________________________________________
Background-information
_________________________________________________________________________
earlier news - so far as room is given by my provider on the server
_________________________________________________________________________
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Die Bibel sagt 
      Befiehl dem HERRN deine Wege 
           und hoffe auf ihn, er wird's wohl machen 
      und wird deine Gerechtigkeit herauffuehren wie das Licht 
           und dein Recht wie den Mittag. 
      Der Mund des Gerechten redet Weisheit, 
           und seine Zunge lehrt das Recht. 
      Das Gesetz seines Gottes ist in seinem Herzen; 
           und seine Tritte gleiten nicht. 
       Psalm 37, 5-6. 30-31
    Luther-Bibel 1984
The Bible says 
      Commit thy way unto the LORD; 
           trust also in him; and he shall bring [it] to pass. 
      And he shall bring forth thy righteousness as the light, 
           and thy judgment as the noonday. 
      The mouth of the righteous speaketh wisdom, 
           and his tongue talketh of judgment. 
      The law of his God [is] in his heart; 
           none of his steps shall slide.
      Psalm 37, 5-6. 30-31
    Authorized Version 1769 (KJV)
 
Helft KOSOVA !  KOSOVA needs HELP !

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