Die Bibel sagt  -  The Bible says
 

additional press news

Betreff:         [ALBANEWS] INFO: WHITE HOUSE REPORT, OCTOBER 9, 1998
Datum:         Fri, 9 Oct 1998 13:24:16 -0400
    Von:         Sokol Rama <sokolrama@sprynet.com>

09 October 1998
WHITE HOUSE REPORT, OCTOBER 9, 1998
(Kosovo) (130)

HOLBROOKE TALKING TO MILOSEVIC IN BELGRADE ONE MORE TIME

US Special Envoy Richard Holbrooke is in Belgrade now making clear again to "Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" President Slobodan Milosevic "what is necessary for full compliance" with United Nations Resolution 1199, White House Press Secretary Joe Lockhart told reporters October 9.

"They are discussing also what steps would need to be taken to verify compliance. We have been down this road before with Milosevic where he has made promises he hasn't kept, so there is some discussion of verification," Lockhart said.

He noted that Secretary of State Albright said October 8 that "there are but a few days for him to get the message that he needs to fully comply."

09 October 1998
ALBRIGHT REMARKS AFTER OCTOBER 8 CONTACT GROUP MEETING
(Milosevic responds only to "credible threat" of force) (960)

London -- Secretary of State Albright says she believes "Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" (FRY) President Slobodan Milosevic will respond to international demands regarding Kosovo only "if he faces a credible threat of the imminent use of force."

Speaking to reporters after an October 8 ministerial meeting of the Contact Group on the former Yugoslavia, she charged that while Milosevic has recently made "cosmetic gestures in the direction of compliance" with these demands, "his forces have committed some of their worst atrocities."

Following is the State Department text, as prepared for delivery:

(begin text)

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
London, United Kingdom

Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
Statement after the Contact Group Ministerial
October 8, 1998

Let me start by thanking Robin Cook for bringing us together today in London. Our meeting today is part of a continuing and intensive process of consultation and coordination on how to bring peace to Kosovo. We have come together in the Contact Group more than once. We have worked at the U.N. to establish that this conflict poses a threat to regional peace and security. We came together today to assess where we stand and find a way to move forward together.

I'd also like to thank Igor Ivanov, who has personally traveled to Belgrade twice this week, for his personal efforts to find a solution to the Kosovo crisis. And I have no quarrel with his conviction that the force of argument must be tried before we resort to the argument of force.

But I believe that the only conclusion we can honestly reach is that President Milosevic has not complied with the long-standing demands of the international community. Today I talked about why I feel strongly that this is the case.

When we first met on Kosovo in March, it was to seek an end to a conflict that had claimed perhaps a few dozen lives. Now the death toll exceeds 1,000 -- and the destruction of village after village in Kosovo has continued.

Secretary-General Annan's recent report details Milosevic's failure to comply with Resolution 1199. It documents the violence that continued unabated in the week following adoption of that resolution, as well as the many acts of brutality committed in the preceding months.

I realize that things have quieted down in recent days in Kosovo. But we must view such half-steps against the background of President Milosevic's broken promises. In the last two weeks, as he made cosmetic gestures in the direction of compliance, his forces committed some of their worst atrocities. We must consider the cumulative record and pattern of Serbian behavior.

The situation on the ground has not changed fundamentally. While some units have been withdrawn, FRY (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) infantry, artillery and armored units remain deployed at key points in Kosovo, as do special police. Some units are simply being repositioned or sending their men on temporary leave. Others are digging in for the winter -- hardly a sign of a pending withdrawal -- or occupying the houses of civilians they have driven into the hills.

Their presence is inhibiting the return of tens of thousands of displaced people. Serbian humanitarian centers, when they are open at all, are little used because the heavy police presence scares off the very people they are supposedly designed to assist. Security forces still effectively seal off the central region of Drenica. Far from cooperating with the War Crimes Tribunal, President Milosevic has moved in the opposite direction in the last week.

Finally, and perhaps most important, Milosevic has not agreed to any timetable to negotiate a political agreement based on the proposal which we have all endorsed. And we all know that his campaign of force has impeded efforts to broker a political settlement, not to mention generating a humanitarian crisis.

The question for us all tonight, than, is how should we respond?

First, we must take action. We are not going to stop this conflict by constantly evaluating the situation and simply waiting to see what happens. We need to reach the clear conclusion that President Milosevic is not in compliance with Resolution 1199.

As I told my Contact Group colleagues, my view is that Milosevic is only going to respond to diplomacy if he faces a credible threat of the imminent use of force. Whatever progress has been made in recent days is, I believe, a direct result of diplomacy backed by an increasingly credible threat of force.

Second, we must not ease the pressure unless and until we get a genuine, durable, verifiable solution to this problem. Milosevic knows what he must do to avoid military action. We would rather not have to use force. But it may be needed to compel a durable and verifiable solution.

Third, we must recognize his track record of making promises and failing to deliver. Milosevic will continue to do the minimum necessary to avoid military action. He must know that the only thing we will accept is full compliance.

If we do not act now to resolve this crisis, before winter descends in the Balkans, thousands of refugees could die. Passions will continue to be inflamed that could jeopardize stability in the region.

By acting firmly now, we can douse the last embers of conflict in the former Yugoslavia. We will reinforce our conviction that in the future, ethnic differences in Europe must be resolved peacefully. We will encourage the development of democracy in Serbia. It is not too late to do any of these things. But we must remain united and muster the political will.

(end text)

KOSOVO DIPLOMATIC OBSERVER MISSION DAILY REPORT, OCT. 7
(Compiled from daily reports of U.S. element of KDOM) (420)

(The following KDOM Daily Report was compiled by EUR/SCE (202-647-4850) from daily reports of the U.S. element of the Kosovo Diplomatic Observer Mission and released by the Bureau of European and Canadian Affairs, Office of South Central European Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC)

KDOM Daily Report

October 7, 1998 Kosovo remained generally quiet today with no new aggression reported. The Yugoslav SA-6 missiles remain deployed in Pristina and Djakovica and at a new site east of Glogovac. KDOM noted an increase in small mobile police checkpoints and outposts along the Pristina to Kijevo road and heavy police concentrations remain in Drenica, around Malisevo, and in the Suva Reka area. KDOM learned from the Prefect of Kosovo that Serbian forces had been "provoked" by KLA fighters and that clashes between the sides took place near Malisevo and Stimlje. The prefect told KDOM that Serbian forces are exercising maximum restraint in the face of provocations. The Prefect also said the new "local security elements" will begin operating in Kacanik Opstina on October 8 or 9. KDOM assisted in the evacuation of the lone survivor of the alleged September 26 massacre. F.R.Y. authorities cooperated fully with KDOM in moving the injured man out of Kosovo. He is now receiving medical attention outside Serbia. A Serbian police officer told KDOM that one of his men had been killed by a mine in the town of Dragobilje on October 4. KLA fighters told KDOM that the VJ had not withdrawn from the region around Nekovce, south of Komorane, but had merely moved to hidden positions. Freedom of movement for KDOM was generally good today, but authorities did deny access to the Glogovac industrial area where ethnic Albanians are allegedly being detained. Freedom of movement for IDPs remains constrained by the presence of major police and VJ forces along major roads. Also, the presence of Serb armor in lookout positions in central and mid-west Kosovo has discouraged many IDPs from moving. Humanitarian organizations continue their orderly withdrawal from Kosovo. About 70% of humanitarian aid workers are now gone. Only about six staff from ICRC remain in Kosovo. UNHCR strongly urged those not involved in delivery of supplies to IDPs depart.
(End text)

President of the Council Schuessel before the London meeting of the Contact Group: " We have passed the eleventh hour in Kosovo!" "The aim of today's meeting of the Contact Group in London will be to find a common approach of the Europeans, the USA and Russia. An eventual military strike will not be on the agenda", said the President of the Council, Wolfgang Schuessel today on the Kosovo crisis. For Schuessel, who represents the European Union in the Contact Group, the ending of the "unbearable humanitarian situation of the Kosovar refugees" is a matter of priority.
Responding to a question about an eventual ultimatum against Milosevic, Schuessel said: "De facto, we have passed the eleventh hour. UN Security Council Resolution 1199 from September 23rd calls for the immediate cessation of clashes. As a matter of fact, since the adoption of the resolution, further Kosovar villages have been destroyed and further civilians have become victims of this cruel conflict."
Referring to the offer by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) to admit an OSCE Mission, the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs declared himself in favour of long-term missions of the OSCE to be dispatched not only to Kosovo, but - due to their ethnic structure - also to other regions of potential conflict in the FRY. "Such missions of conflict prevention should also be set up in Sandchak and Voivodina, as it has been the case until 1993."

                         U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
                         Office of the Spokesman
                           (Brussels, Belgium)
______________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                  October 8, 1998

                        PRESS AVAILABILITY ON
                         SITUATION IN KOSOVO
                                BY
             STATE DEPARTMENT SPOKESMAN JAMES P. RUBIN

                          Brussels, Belgium
                           October 8, 1998

QUESTION:  Any calls the last few days, specifically the Russians?  And when you say consult, I'm quickly trying to wrap all these things in -- how many folks will you have in London?  How do you talk to the Russians?  When have you last?  When might you?

MR. RUBIN:  Foreign Minister Ivanov went to Belgrade and will be briefing the Contact Group this evening in London about his conversation with Mr. Milosevic.  Ambassador Holbrooke obviously has had extensive conversations with Milosevic.  Secretary Albright spoke to Foreign Minister Cook last night, where the meeting was confirmed in London.  Later this evening, everyone will be there; and that's all your questions, right?

QUESTION:  Ivanov and she briefed parallel or something -- did I hear you right?  And Ivanov will brief the Contact Group?

MR. RUBIN:  Ivanov, having just returned from Belgrade, will brief the Contact Group this evening about the results of his discussions with Milosevic, along with Secretary Albright and Ambassador Holbrooke.

QUESTION:  Who will go first?

MR. RUBIN:  I don't know if that has been decided.  I'm not at all sure about how it's relevant.  Let's do Carole and then one more.

QUESTION:  Why is she sending Holbrooke back when she has gotten nothing out of Milosevic -- hasn't gotten anything out of Milosevic? In other words, what is the point of sending him back?

MR. RUBIN:  The goal of our policy is not to use force if it's not necessary.  The goal of our policy is to achieve compliance with the requirements of the international community.  By ratcheting the pressure up in the coming days by moving into the next stage of NATO decision-making, perhaps Milosevic will get the message he has not yet gotten.  And Ambassador Holbrooke can work on specific ways to ensure a verifiable and durable compliance with the requirements of the international community.

QUESTION:  When did you say you're going to move to the next phase?

MR. RUBIN:  We will have to see.

QUESTION:  President Clinton has already said we have to go to ACTORD, right?

MR. RUBIN:  I'll get to that in a minute.

QUESTION:  Has Milosevic done anything on the positive side?

MR. RUBIN:  Clearly there have been indications that some forces have moved.  But he remains and we do not believe that he has complied with any of the major requirements of the  international community.

QUESTION:  Who are the other officials she is having lunch with?  Was SACEUR one of them -- officials, NATO officials?

MR. RUBIN:  NATO officials and several other Americans -- about a dozen or so.

QUESTION:  At this point, are there still NATO members that are not ready to go to the next step?

MR. RUBIN:  Well, we will see.  When I said yesterday NATO is not yet there, it's because NATO has not yet made the decision.  That doesn't mean they won't very soon.

Thank you.
(###)

########################################################
Centre for Peace and Security Studies
Free University Brussels
Pleinlaan 2, B-1050 Brussels (Belgium)
Tel.: +32.2.6292228 Fax: +32.2.6292278  email: wdehaar@vub.ac.be
URL: http://www.vub.ac.be/POLE

                         U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
                         Office of the Spokesman
                           (Brussels, Belgium)
_____________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                 October 8, 1998

                        PRESS CONFERENCE BY
               SECRETARY OF STATE MADELEINE K. ALBRIGHT
                           ON KOSOVO

                         Brussels, Belgium
                          October 8, 1998

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT:  Good afternoon. I want to speak for a few minutes about where we are on Kosovo, and then take your questions.

I have just met with Secretary General Solana.  I have also been briefed by Ambassador Holbrooke, who has just returned from his mission to Belgrade where he held three lengthy sessions with President Milosevic.

Despite his best efforts, I am not satisfied that President Milosevic understands the seriousness of the current situation.  It is also clear that he has not complied fully with the demands of the international community.

I have asked Ambassador Holbrooke to return to Belgrade to convey a very clear and simple message to President Milosevic:  he must comply in a manner that is both durable and verifiable with the long-standing political, humanitarian and military demands of the international community or face the gravest consequences.

Later today, I will meet with my Contact Group colleagues in London.  I look forward to a good exchange with them on how to ensure Serbian compliance with the demands of the  international community and the way ahead.

The Secretary General and I have discussed NATO's role in this crisis. I fully concur with his assessment that the Alliance has the legitimacy to act to stop a catastrophe.  Speaking for the United States, I believe it's time for the Alliance to move to the next phase of its decision-making -- that is, to take the difficult but necessary decision to authorize military force if Milosevic fails to comply.

I have come to that conclusion for several reasons.  First, it is true -- but also not surprising -- that Serbian forces have avoided provoking us in the last few days.  That is only because they face military action and they hope they can use this to drive a wedge in the unity of the international community.  That will not happen.  We must be prepared to take action because we know that if we are not there, there is nothing to stop them from going back to business as usual.

Second, the situation on the ground has not changed fundamentally. Yugoslav infantry artillery and armored units are still deployed at key points in Kosovo.  Special police are still deployed in heavy numbers along the roads.  Many are digging in for the winter; others are still occupying the houses of civilians they have driven into the hills.  The central region of Drenica remains effectively sealed off by security forces.  Tens of thousands of refugees are still afraid to go home.

What we have seen is a televised show of soldiers leaving Kosovo.  What we need is a complete and verifiable withdrawal of the forces responsible for the violence.

Third, we have to take into account not only this week's snapshot of events on the ground, but Milosevic's long-standing unwillingness to negotiate seriously, and the accumulated barbarity of the last three months.  Time and again, Milosevic has promised us to do things he had no intention of doing.  Time and again, he has taken half measures to avoid the consequences of his actions.  Yet even in the last two weeks, even as he made cosmetic gestures in the direction of compliance, his forces have committed some of the worst atrocities of the war.

We must assume that Milosevic will continue to do the minimum necessity to avoid NATO action.  But he has to understand that the minimum is not good enough.  The only thing that is good enough is full compliance.

Milosevic knows what he needs to do to avoid NATO action.  He must immediately end all military and police operations in Kosovo; withdraw all units to their bases and cantonments in a way that can be verified; provide international organizations and diplomatic observers unfettered access to Kosovo; agree to a time table for a political settlement based on the draft that the Contact Group has endorsed; and cooperate with the War Crimes Tribunal.

He had months to do all these things.  Now he has but a few days, which is frankly all he ever needed.

Let me stress that we have worked hard in the last few weeks to build a consensus for what we must now be prepared to do.  Diplomats from every Contact Group country have gone the extra mile for peace.  Our concerns have been reflected in a strong UN Security Council resolution.  We have made it clear to Milosevic and Kosovars that we do not support independence for Kosovo -- that we want Serbia out of Kosovo, not Kosovo out of Serbia.

But one of the keys to good diplomacy is knowing when diplomacy has reached its limits; and we are rapidly reaching that point now.  We are not going to stop this conflict by constantly evaluating the situation and simply waiting to see what happens.  We need to act now to compel a realistic and durable settlement, and then see that it is implemented.

Finally, let me say that I believe that we are at a crossroads in the history of the Balkans as well as NATO.  The decisions we take in the days ahead will be crucial for us all.  NATO is our institution of choice when it comes to preserving peace and defending Western values on the continent.  It must be prepared to act when a threat of this nature exists on Europe's doorstep.

In recent days, I have spoken with many of my European colleagues -- in some cases, numerous times, on Kosovo.  Today I discussed Kosovo at length with Ambassador Holbrooke as well as General Wes Clark. Ambassador Vershbow has also filled me in on his own consultations with the allies over the last week.

As a result, I am confident that we have the legitimate grounds and effective means to act, and that NATO will agree -- and agree soon -- to take the next step.

QUESTION:  Your position is clear about not needing another resolution; but there seem to be some problems among some of the allies.  Would it be helpful to have some way of expressing in an informal way the sentiments that you say these others share?  Would it be easier for the United States to lead this charge?  If there were some form of resolution, would it help your political situation?

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT:  Are you speaking of another at the United Nations or --

QUESTION:  Well, at the United Nations or some other forum.

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT:  Let me say that I think that the United Nations has now spoken out on this subject a number of times.  There had been an attempt, I think, to divide us but that has failed.  The last Security Council resolution was adopted with one abstention, the Chinese.

I think that generally in my contacts with the European foreign ministers, we are agreed on the need for compliance.  Obviously, NATO is in the process of repeating its dedication to this cause, so I do not see any need for additional resolutions.

QUESTION:  You have given President Milosevic an ultimatum, but have you given him a deadline?  Could you share that with us?

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT:  First of all, I would not describe what I have stated as an ultimatum.  I have described the situation based upon the facts, and made clear that there will be the gravest consequences to his not listening to the messages that Ambassador Holbrooke is delivering on behalf of the United States, as well as the messages being delivered by others.

There is no deadline, but we have also made it clear that time is running out here.  As winter approaches and the suffering of the Kosovar people in the hills is getting worse, then the time is all but gone.

QUESTION:  Are you aware that taking action without a new UN resolution would be a problem in some countries like Italy?

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT:  I think that there are countries that are expressing that view, and we obviously are speaking with them.  I will be seeing Foreign Minister Dini in a couple of hours in London, and we hope very much that, as it is evident that Milosevic is not in compliance, that those governments will understand the need for action and understand that the resolution that the Security Council has already taken is sufficient.

QUESTION:  (In French, translated for the press by Secretary Albright.) The question is whether an air campaign is enough, whether there is not some need for a ground force.

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT:  Let me say this -- we believe that an air campaign is very important and useful, and we think that is a method for arriving at compliance.  But in order to verify compliance, we think that there should be a verification mission, which would be an international presence.  However, this presence would not contain any American ground combat forces.  Additionally, if there is a settlement, we would again think that an international presence would be required. We would, at that time, consult with Congress and with our allies about the need for a US role.

To answer your question, we believe that an air campaign is important and would secure compliance and that it could be verified by an international presence.

QUESTION:  What are the prospects of getting the Russians in on such a monitoring mission?

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT:  Well, first of all, we do agree wit the Russians about the necessity for compliance.  Foreign Minister Ivanov is also coming to London to meet with the Contact Group.  Ambassador Holbrooke is going with me to London to brief the Contact Group on what he has been doing.

As many of you know, Foreign Minister Ivanov has also been in Belgrade. He will be participating in the Contact Group in his capacity as Foreign Minister.  I think that we want to work with them on a joint compliance.  We hope that that will be possible.  But if force is necessary, then we will not be deterred by the fact that the Russians do not agree with that.

QUESTION:  When do you expect NATO to act on the Activation Order? Will that happen on Sunday?

SECRETARY ALBRIGHT:  We expect that there will be action in the next few days.  I can't give you an exact time, but in the next few days.

(###)

########################################################
Centre for Peace and Security Studies
Free University Brussels
Pleinlaan 2, B-1050 Brussels (Belgium)
Tel.: +32.2.6292228 Fax: +32.2.6292278  email: wdehaar@vub.ac.be
URL: http://www.vub.ac.be/POLE

08 October 1998
TEXT: SECRETARY OF STATE ON SITUATION IN KOSOVO OCTOBER 8
(Milosevic has "but a few days" to fully comply)  (1200)

Brussels -- Secretary of State Albright announced October 8 that she has asked Ambassador Holbrooke to return to Belgrade "to convey a very clear and simple message to President Milosevic: he must comply in a manner that is both durable and verifiable with the long-standing political, humanitarian and military demands of the international community or face the gravest of consequences.

"We must assume that Milosevic will continue to do the minimum necessary to avoid NATO action," Albright told reporters at NATO headquarters about the situation in Kosovo. "But he has to understand that the minimum is not good enough. The only thing that is good enough is full compliance.

"Milosevic knows what he needs to do to avoid NATO action," said the Secretary of State. "He must immediately end all military and police operations in Kosovo; withdraw all units to their bases and cantonments in a way that can be verified; provide international organizations and diplomatic observers unfettered access to Kosovo; agree to a timetable for a political settlement based on the draft that the Contact Group has endorsed; and, cooperate with the War Crimes Tribunal.

"He had months to do all these things," she noted. "Now he has but a few days, which is frankly all he ever needed."

Following is the State Department text:

(begin text)

U.S. Department of State
Office of the Spokesman
Brussels, Belgium

Statement by Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
Situation in Kosovo
October 8, 1998

Good afternoon. I want to speak for a few moments about where we are on Kosovo, and then take your questions.

I have just met with Secretary-General Solana. I have also been briefed by Ambassador Holbrooke who has just returned from his mission to Belgrade where he held three lengthy sessions with President Milosevic in Belgrade.

Despite his best efforts, I am not satisfied that President Milosevic understands the seriousness of the current (situation). It is also clear that he has not complied fully with the demands of the international community.

I have asked Ambassador Holbrooke to return to Belgrade to convey a very clear and simple message to President Milosevic: he must comply in a manner that is both durable and verifiable with the long-standing political, humanitarian and military demands of the international community or face the gravest of consequences.

Later today I will meet my Contact Group colleagues in London. I look forward to a good exchange with them on how to ensure Serbian compliance with the demands of the international community and the way ahead.

The Secretary General and I have discussed NATO's role in this crisis. I fully concur with his assessment that the Alliance has the legitimacy to act to stop a catastrophe.

Speaking for the United States, I believe it is time for the Alliance to move to the next phase of its decision-making, that is to take the difficult but necessary decision to authorize military force if Milosevic fails to comply.

I've come to that conclusion for several reasons.

First, it is true, but also not surprising, that Serbian forces have avoided provoking us in the last few days. That is only because they face military action and they hope they can use this to drive a wedge in the unity of the international community. That will not happen. We must be prepared to take action because we know that, if we are not, there is nothing to stop them from going back to business as usual.

Second, the situation on the ground has not changed fundamentally. Yugoslav infantry, artillery and armored units are still deployed at key points in Kosovo. Special police are still deployed in heavy numbers along roads. Many are digging in for the winter; others are still occupying the houses of civilians they have driven into the hills. The central region of Drenica remains effectively sealed off by security forces. Tens of thousands of refugees are still afraid to go home.

What we have seen is a televised show of soldiers leaving Kosovo. What we need is a complete and verifiable withdrawal of the forces responsible for the violence.

Third, we have to take into account not only this week's snapshot of events on the ground but Milosevic's long-standing unwillingness to negotiate seriously, and the accumulated barbarity of the last three months.

Time and again, Milosevic has promised us to do things he had no intention of doing. Time and again, he has taken half measures to avoid the consequences of his actions. Yet even in the last two weeks, even as he made cosmetic gestures in the direction of compliance, his forces committed some of the worst atrocities of the war.

We must assume that Milosevic will continue to do the minimum necessary to avoid NATO action. But he has to understand that the minimum is not good enough. The only thing that is good enough is full compliance.

Milosevic knows what he needs to do to avoid NATO action. He must immediately end all military and police operations in Kosovo; withdraw all units to their bases and cantonments in a way that can be verified; provide international organizations and diplomatic observers unfettered access to Kosovo; agree to a timetable for a political settlement based on the draft that the Contact Group has endorsed; and, cooperate with the War Crimes Tribunal.

He had months to do all these things. Now he has but a few days, which is frankly all he ever needed.

Let me stress that we have worked hard in the last few weeks to build a consensus for what we must now be prepared to do. Diplomats from every Contact Group country have gone the extra mile for peace. Our concerns have been reflected in a strong U.N. Security Council resolution. We have made it clear to Milosevic and Kosovars that we do not support independence for Kosovo -- that we want Serbia out of Kosovo, not Kosovo out of Serbia.

But one of the keys to good diplomacy is knowing when diplomacy has reached its limits. And we are rapidly reaching that point now.

We are not going to stop this conflict by constantly evaluating the situation, and simply waiting to see what happens. We need to act now to compel a realistic and durable settlement, and then see that it is implemented.

Finally, let me say that I believe that we are at a crossroads in the history of the Balkans as well as NATO. The decisions we take in the days ahead will be crucial for us all. NATO is our institution of choice when it comes to preserving peace and defending Western values on the continent. It must be prepared to act when a threat of this nature exists on Europe's doorstep.

In recent days I have spoken with many of my European colleagues, in some cases numerous times, on Kosovo. Today I discussed Kosovo at length with Ambassador Holbrooke as well as General Wes Clark. Ambassador Vershbow has also filled me in on his own consultations with allies over the last week.

(end text)

08 October 1998
WHITE HOUSE REPORT, OCTOBER 8, 1998
(Kosovo)  (470)

CLINTON: MILOSEVIC MUST COMPLY WITH UN RESOLUTIONS

President Clinton says "Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" President Slobodan Milosevic must comply fully with UN Security Council resolutions on Kosovo or face NATO military action.

At an October 8 event on health care at the White House, Clinton opened his speech by commenting on the situation in Kosovo.

"As a result of the unconscionable actions of President Milosevic we face a danger of violence spreading to neighboring countries, threatening a wider war in Europe. We face a humanitarian crisis that could be a catastrophe in the making as tens of thousands of homeless refugees risk freezing or starving to death as winter comes on," the President said.

"Our goal is simple. It is full compliance with United Nations Security Council resolutions by President Milosevic."

Clinton said US Special Envoy Richard Holbrooke had just completed three days of talks in Belgrade with Milosevic "making absolutely clear that he must meet the demands of this Security Council resolution. End the violence, withdraw his forces, let the refugees return to their homes, give the humanitarian relief workers full and free access to the people who need them, and begin negotiations with the Kosovar Albanians on autonomy for their region which is provided for under the law of their nation."

Clinton said he decided October 7 "that the United States would vote to give NATO the authority to carry out military strikes against Serbia if President Milosevic continues to defy the international community.

"In the days ahead my counterparts in Europe will be making similar decisions. We would prefer, we would far prefer, to secure President Milosevic's compliance with the will of the international community in a peaceful manner. But NATO must be prepared to act militarily to protect our interests to prevent another humanitarian catastrophe in the Balkans.

Earlier in the day, White House Press Secretary Joe Lockhart told reporters that Holbrooke is returning to Belgrade October 8 to meet again on Kosovo with Milosevic.

He "will be returning to Belgrade to once again reinforce the message to President Milosevic that full, verifiable, and durable compliance with UN resolution 1199 is necessary," Lockhart said.

Holbrooke flew to Brussels from Belgrade October 7, following talks in Belgrade with Milosevic, to consult with Secretary of State Albright. The Secretary of State asked him to return to Belgrade October 8.

Lockhart noted that Clinton's foreign policy team briefed the President on Kosovo October 7 and Clinton then gave the order to US representatives in Brussels activating the US contribution to a NATO military force being readied for action in Kosovo.

"Consultations are going on within NATO," Lockhart said, "but we're confident that NATO will reach consensus on further steps."

The two UNSC resolutions referred to by President Clinton are 1160 and 1199.

08 October 1998
TRANSCRIPT: RUBIN IN BRUSSELS ON SITUATION IN KOSOVO OCTOBER 8
(No decision on NATO strike on Kosovo but could be soon)  (700)

Brussels -- Although NATO allies have not yet made a decision about whether to launch a military strike against Serbian military forces in Kosovo, it "doesn't mean that they won't very soon," says State Department Spokesman James Rubin.

Speaking briefly to the press October 8, Rubin countered reports that some NATO allies are not ready to undertake military action against the Serbs' bloody repression of ethnic Albanians by emphasizing that a decision has not yet been made.

The spokesman pointed out that although there have been "indications" that Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic has moved some of his forces out of the Serb province of Kosovo, the United States does not believe that he has complied with "any of the major requirements of the international community."

"The goal of our policy is not to use force if it's not necessary," Rubin said. "The goal of our policy is to achieve compliance with the requirements of the international community. By ratcheting the pressure up in the coming days, by moving into the next stage of NATO decision-making, perhaps Milosevic will get the message he has not yet gotten."

Following is the State Department transcript:

(begin transcript)

U.S. Department of State
Office of the Spokesman
Brussels, Belgium

Remarks by James P. Rubin
On Situation in Kosovo
October 8, 1998

QUESTION: Any calls the last few days, specifically the Russians, and when you say consult, quick I'm trying to wrap all these things in, how many folks will you have in London? How do you talk to the Russians, when have you last, when might you?

RUBIN: Ivanov went to Belgrade and will be briefing the Contact Group this evening in London about his conversations with Milosevic. Ambassador Holbrooke obviously has had extensive conversations with Milosevic. She (Albright) spoke to Foreign Minister Cook last night, where the meeting was confirmed for London. Later this evening, everyone will be there and that's all your questions right?

Q: Ivanov and she briefed parallel or something? Did I hear you right? And Ivanov will brief the Contact Group?

RUBIN: Ivanov, having just returned from Belgrade, will brief the Contact Group this evening about the results of his discussions with Milosevic along with Secretary Albright and Ambassador Holbrooke.

Q:  Who will go first?

RUBIN: I don't know if that has been decided. I'm not at all sure about how relevant. Let's do Carol and then one more.

Q: Why is she sending Holbrooke back when she has gotten nothing out of Milosevic or hasn't gotten anything out of Milosevic? In other words, what is the point of sending him back?

RUBIN: The goal of our policy is not to use force if it's not necessary. The goal of our policy is to achieve compliance with the requirements of the international community. By ratcheting the pressure up in the coming days, by moving into the next stage of NATO decision-making, perhaps Milosevic will get the message he has not yet gotten. And Ambassador Holbrooke can work on specific ways to ensure a verifiable, and durable compliance with the requirements of the international community.

Q:  When did (you) say you're going to move to the next phase?

RUBIN:  We will have to see.

Q:  Clinton has already said we have (the) go to ACTORD.  Right?

RUBIN:  I'll get to that in a minute.

Q:  Has Milosevic done anything on the positive side?

RUBIN: Clearly there have been indications that some forces have moved. But he remains and we do not believe that he has complied with any of the major requirements of the international community.

Q: Who are the other officials she's having lunch with? Was SACEUR one of them? Officials, NATO officials?

RUBIN: NATO officials and several other Americans about a dozen or so.

Q: At this point, are there still NATO members that are not ready to go the next step.

RUBIN: Well, we will see. When I said yesterday NATO is not yet there it's because NATO has not yet made the decision. That doesn't mean that they won't very soon.

Thank you.

(end transcript)

08 October 1998
TEXT: CLINTON REMARKS ON KOSOVO IN ROOSEVELT ROOM OCT. 8
(US will vote to give NATO authority for strikes)  (410)

Washington -- President Clinton told participants at a health care event in the Roosevelt Room of the White House October 8 that "Yesterday I decided that the United States would vote to give NATO the authority to carry out military strikes against Serbia if President Milosevic continues to defy the international community.

"In the days ahead," Clinton said, "my counterparts in Europe will be making similar decisions. We would prefer -- we would far prefer -- to secure President Milosevic's compliance with the will of the international community in a peaceful manner. But NATO must be prepared to act militarily to protect our interests, to prevent another humanitarian catastrophe in the Balkans."

Following is the White House text:

(begin text)

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary

October 8, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT ON KOSOVO AT HMO ANNOUNCEMENT
The Roosevelt Room

THE PRESIDENT:

As a result of the unconscionable actions of President Milosevic, we face the danger of violence spreading to neighboring countries, threatening a wider war in Europe. We face a humanitarian crisis that could be a catastrophe in the making, as tens of thousands of homeless refugees risk freezing or starving to death as winter comes on.

Our goal is simple: It is full compliance with United Nations Security Council resolutions by President Milosevic. My Special Envoy, Richard Holbrooke, has just completed three days of talks with Mr. Milosevic, making absolutely clear that he must meet the demands of this Security Council resolution -- end the violence, withdraw his forces, let the refugees return to their homes, give the humanitarian relief workers full and free access to the people who need them, and begin negotiations with the Kosovar Albanians on autonomy for their region, which is provided for under the law of their nation.

Yesterday I decided that the United States would vote to give NATO the authority to carry out military strikes against Serbia if President Milosevic continues to defy the international community. In the days ahead, my counterparts in Europe will be making similar decisions. We would prefer -- we would far prefer -- to secure President Milosevic's compliance with the will of the international community in a peaceful manner. But NATO must be prepared to act militarily to protect our interests, to prevent another humanitarian catastrophe in the Balkans.

(end text)

Clinton tells senators to expect 'powerful first thrust' if NATO attacks Serbs

Copyright © 1998 Nando.net
Copyright © 1998 The Associated Press

  Observers seeking the truth of claims in Kosovo
  U.S. pledges stealth jets for NATO attack force
  Russian foreign minister says Kosovo agreement closer

LONDON (October 8, 1998 7:56 p.m. EDT http://www.nandotimes.com) -- NATO allies approved a final try by the U.S. Thursday to end the violence in Kosovo peacefully, even as Secretary of State Madeleine Albright warned Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic that "time is all but gone" for him to avoid airstrikes.

In Washington, President Clinton told senior senators in a letter what they could expect if force is used. He described a powerful first thrust, followed by a progressive expansion of intensity.

Albright declared that NATO was united and ready to authorize the bombing. "There was an attempt to divide us, and that has failed," she said.

She met with the foreign ministers of Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Russia, trying to shore up support for air strikes against the Milosevic's Serbs. "If he was looking for rescue from any member of the Contact Group, he did not get it tonight," British Foreign Minister Robin Cook said after the session.

But there was no word from Italy and Germany as to whether their disquiet over the threatened operation had been eased. A statement issued by the foreign ministers called on Milosevic to meet conditions of U.N. resolutions and made no mention of potential military action.

Clinton said at the White House that the United States would vote to authorize NATO strikes if Milosevic "continues to defy the international community."

"In the days ahead my counterparts in Europe will be making similar decisions," the president said, while noting his preference for a peaceful resolution to the crisis.

In his letter to Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, R-Miss., and eight other senior Senate Republicans, Clinton described NATO's plan for "the graduated but effective use of air power" in which Serb forces would face intensified strikes if Milosevic fails to leave Kosovo.

"There will be no 'pinprick' strikes," Clinton said in the letter dated Wednesday and made public Thursday. Initial strikes "will send a very clear signal," Clinton said, "and follow-on phases will progressively expand in their scale and scope."

As to NATO options that would involve U.S. and allied ground forces in hostile action, "I can assure you the United States would not support these options and there currently is no sentiment in NATO for such a mission," Clinton said.

Albright said earlier Thursday that Richard Holbrooke, U.S. mediator for the Balkans, would return to Belgrade for further talks with Milosevic. The foreign ministers endorsed the effort.

During the 2 1/4 hour meeting, Albright described Milosevic to the other ministers as "a congenital liar," a Western diplomat said.

Despite the arguments, Russia did not relent its opposition to the use of force. Cook, who chaired the meeting, said Russia was not being "invited" to participate in NATO decisions.

Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov gave his counterparts an account of talks he had in Belgrade with Milosevic. U.S. officials said earlier that they believed that Russia would serve in an international force to verify any settlement, if one is finally reached.

Noting the Russian opposition, Albright told reporters the Clinton administration also prefers a diplomatic solution but one has not been forthcoming.

"My discussions on the side gave me a good feeling there was unity in the alliance," she said at a news conference.

The Clinton administration contends the Yugoslav president is not complying with U.N. demands that he withdraw troops and special police from Kosovo and permit help to reach an estimated 250,000 to 400,000 ethnic Albanians forced from their homes or who fled to avoid Serb repression.

Sixty percent of the troops sent to put down an independence movement in Kosovo remain there, as do all but 1,000 of the 10,000 special police, some of whom are accused of committing atrocities against civilians. U.S. officials say the troops and police are digging in for the winter, especially along the roads to Pristina, the provincial capital.

Albright met with the foreign ministers after conferring in Brussels with Holbrooke, Gen. Wesley Clark, NATO's supreme commander, and NATO Secretary General Javier Solana.

She told reporters the North Atlantic Council, the political arm of NATO, will agree on an activation order "in the next few days" that would authorize Clark to attack the Serbs. "I am confident we have the legitimate grounds," Albright said.

In Paris, President Jacques Chirac confirmed in a telephone conversation with President Clinton that France will participate in any military action by its NATO allies, even though France is not a member of NATO's military wing, Chirac's Elysee palace said.

And in Ankara, the Turkish parliament authorized the government to participate if NATO orders a strike.

In addition to Russia, Germany and Italy have expressed reservations about military action against the Serbs. "We do not believe that the chances of a political solution have been exhausted," Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi told his parliament.

Later, Prodi was quoted by the Italian news agency ANSA as telling some deputies the government "reserves the right" to decide at the last minute whether to back armed intervention.

Albright said U.S. ground troops would not be involved in a NATO attack and would be considered for a role in an international force to monitor a settlement, if there is one, only after consultation with Congress.

In Washington, Sen. John Warner, R-Va., second-ranking Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee, said ground troops should be sent into Kosovo as a stabilization force after "very decisive airstrikes."

Without the ground forces, he said, "The situation could even escalate in terms of the killing."

Currently, 7,500 U.S. troops serve in a peacekeeping force of 33,000 in neighboring Bosnia. Sending U.S. troops to Kosovo, as well, could be a controversial move.

By BARRY SCHWEID, AP Diplomatic Writer

>News from:
>CONGRESSMAN ELIOT ENGEL
>                                                  Seventeenth District, New
>York
>
>3655 Johnson Avenue, Bronx, NY  10463 -- 718 796-9700
>2303 Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, DC 20515 -- 202 225-2464
>**************************************************************************
>For release: Thursday, October 8, 1998
>Contact:       Joseph O'Brien 718 796-9700
>               Jason Steinbaum 202 225-2464
>
>ENGEL LEADS CALL FOR AIR STRIKES TO HALT KILLING IN KOSOVA
>
>54 House Members Write to Clinton to Urge NATO Intervention
>
>       Congressman Eliot Engel and more than 50 members of Congress today told
>President Clinton that air strikes are the only way to halt the Serb
>genocidal campaign in Kosova, a campaign of mass murders which threatens to
>make that region a humanitarian disaster.
>
>       Rep. Engel called for the air strikes in a letter to the President signed by
>54 members of the House of Representatives.
>
>       "Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic has met none of the conditions laid
>down by the U.S and our allies for him to halt attacks, withdraw his forces,
>permit the delivery of humanitarian aid, and begin serious talks," Rep. Engel
>said.  "The time has come for NATO airpower to end the horror."
>
>       "In Bosnia," the letter to President Clinton said, "you drew the line for
>Milosevic with air strikes and ended the horror.  That is what is needed in
>Kosova - the same forceful resolve, not just empty rhetoric."
>
>       Kosova's more than 90% ethnic Albanian population has suffered harsh
>repression throughout the decade, a situation made worse by recent mass
>murders.  Also, large segments of the population were forced to flee to the
>mountains when Serb troops burned their villages.  "Many of the least
>fortunate are barely subsisting in the forests and mountains," the letter
>said, adding that with the approach of winter "a humanitarian catastrophe
>seems around the corner."
>
>       "Earlier this year," the House members wrote, "you said that the United
>States would not permit another Bosnia-like situation to recur in Kosova.  We
>are afraid that with these reports of ethnic cleansing and mass murders, the
>world is witnessing a series of events alarmingly similar to that which
>consumed Bosnia."
>
>       Rep. Engel is Co-Chair of the House Albanian Issues Caucus.  He represents
>areas of the Bronx and Westchester.
>
>###
 

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