Tagesnachrichten 4. November 1998
     von dpa, from ALBANEWS and others
     News of the day - November 4, 1998
     Kosova Information Center : Daily Report No 1603

         Die Bibel sagt  -  The Bible says
 

If available you find on this page  -  Soweit verfügbar finden Sie auf dieser Seite     1. Meldungen von dpa    2. Remarks - Hints - Special informations    3. Reports about deportation and persons repatriated to Kosova  in deutsch und englisch     4. Daily Report from KIC  (Kosova Information Center)    5. news from ARTA  (Koha ditore)    6. news from RFE/RL NEWSLINE    7. news from Fr. Sava  (Decani Monastery)    8. Reports from Human Rights Organisations        especially CDHRF  (Council for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms, Prishtina)    9. news from ATA /ENTER  and so on  10. eventual additional press news  Link to Background-information  Link to earlier news - so far as room is given by my provider on the server  The Bible says  -  Die Bibel sagt

 

1. Meldungen von dpa

 

Bulgariens Aussenministerin besucht die Ukraine am 12. November
   http://seite1.web.de/show/364071E9.NL1/

"Le Monde": US-Armee deckte franzoesischen Nato-Spion auf
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36407369.NL1/

Neue Zwischenfaelle im Kosovo
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36407F16.NL1/

Fischer sieht positive Entwicklung im Kosovo
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36405D5A.NL1/

"Le Monde": US-Armee deckte franzoesischen Nato-Spion auf
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36406626.NL1/

EU will glaubwuerdige militaerische Schlagkraft entwickeln
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36406788.NL1/

Bulgarien nimmt mit bis zu 20 Mann an OSZE-Mission im Kosovo teil
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36406AC7.NL1/

Paris wertet Nato-Spion als isolierten Einzelfall
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36404FD4.NL1/

rpt rpt rpt dpa-euro-NACHMITTAGSVORSCHAU fuer Mittwoch, den 04. November 1998
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36403BC6.NL1/

Deutschland beteiligt sich an Luftueberwachung ueber dem Kosovo
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36402AAF.NL1/

EU-Verteidigungsminister eroertern Strategien zur Krisenbewaeltigung
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36401529.NL1/

Deutsche Regierung beraet ueber Teilnahme an Kosovo-Luftueberwachung
   http://seite1.web.de/show/364015A4.NL1/

"Le Republicain Lorrain": Nato-Spion ist aergerlich fuer Frankreich
   http://seite1.web.de/show/36400D08.NL1/

EU-Verteidigungsminister beraten ueber Anti-Krisen-Strategien
   http://seite1.web.de/show/363F7D16.NL1/

ONE has to begin    to STOP  oecumenic Decade for Peace  from November 8 until 18, 1998  30 minutes prayer for PEACE  30 Minuten Gebet für den Frieden  am  9./ 10./ 11./ 12./ 13./ 14./ 16./ 17. November  jeweils um 19.45 Uhr  in der Bethlehemkirche Wertingen  Jeder, der kommen moechte  - unabhaengig von Konfession oder Religion,  ist herzlich eingeladen !

LINK zu:  Vorschlag für den Ablauf den Friedensgebetes
                  - auch als WinWord97-Datei erhaeltlich !

Kennen Sie Fälle von Abschiebungen nach Kosova ? - Bitte senden Sie mir Ihren Bericht !
Do you know cases of deportations to Kosova ? - Please send me your report !

* Nichtamtliche Übersetzung
   UNHCR-Positionspapier über die Behandlung von Asylsuchenden aus
   dem Kosovo in Asylländern: Maßgebliche Überlegungen
   25.8.1998 mit Anhang Stand: 13.8.1998
                    http://www.unhcr.de/news/statemen/misc/kosbob.htm

* UNHCR-Eckpunkte zu Problemen des Flüchtlingsschutzes in Deutschland
   Oktober 1998
                    http://www.unhcr.de/news/statemen/misc/eckpkte.htm

Kosova Information Center
KOSOVA DAILY REPORT # 1603
Prishtina, 4 November 1998

President Rugova Receives German Ambassador

PRISHTINA, Nov 4 (KIC) - The President of the Republic of Kosova Dr. Ibrahim Rugova received Germany's ambassador to Belgrade, Mr. Wilfried Gruber, on Tuesday evening.
The most recent situation in Kosova and the steps towards the creation of an environment conducive to the establishment of a negotiating process between Prishtina and Belgrade were discussed in the meeting.
The human tragedy and heavy destruction caused by the Serbian aggression against Albanians in Kosova was all the more clear Tuesday, when he himself toured central Kosova, the President underlined.
The OSCE and NATO verification regimes should be put in place as soon as possible to create a sense of security for Albanian people to return to their settlements in safety, Ibrahim Rugova said.
The Kosova President stressed that further and irreversible withdrawal of Serbian forces from Kosova would calm down the situation and create the conditions for the establishment of a fully-fledged negotiating process on a political resolution to the Kosova issue.

Kosova Government Says Interim Settlement Should Recognize the Right to Self-Determination
U.S. envoy Chris Hill's plan cannot serve as a basis for further discussions, Bukoshi's Government says

PRISHTINA, Nov 4 (KIC) - The Government of the Republic of Kosova said in a statement Tuesday the draft plan for an interim settlement in Kosova prepared by U.S. envoy Chris Hill is unacceptable. The plan cannot even serve as a basis for further discussion, the Government said, after having consulted legal experts.
Before any talks between Kosova and the 'FRY' can start, the 'FRY'/Serb side should have met a number of demands, including the full withdrawal of armed Serbian forces, and the safe return of displaced Albanian people back to their homes, and full cooperation of 'FRY" with the Hague Tribunal, the Kosova Government said.
The Republic's Government, chaired by Prime Minister Bujar Bukoshi, said it proposed the formation of a neutral Implementation Commission, composed of two representatives designated by the Kosova Government, two designated by the 'FRY', and three individuals from abroad, designated by the UN Secretary of General in cooperation with the EU Presidency.
The Commission would assess the level of compliance with the mandatory demands of the Security Council over Kosova, the Government said. When compliance has been established, negotiations on an interim settlement in Kosova can start, it added. The negotiations should be conducted in Geneva. Besides the delegations of the Republic of Kosova and the 'FRY", there should be international involvement in the form of three guarantor states as well as implementation organizations that will be determined, the Kosova Government said.
"There will be no preconditions on the substantial outcome of such negotiations. Instead, the parties will be free to formulate their views about the interim arrangement that is desired, adopted at the level of international law," the statement of the Government said.
The interim settlement should be sought on the basis of a number of principles, the most important one being that the Republic of Kosova is a self-determination entity, based both on its right to achieve independence after the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia as well as in the light of the repression its people have suffered from an unrepresentative regime.
The interim agreement does not have to expressly confirm and state that Kosova is an independent state, but the agreement must not prejudice it either, the Kosova Government said, stressing that the interim agreement should recognize the right of Kosova to self- determination.
Kosova has its territory as well as its adopted constitution, and the interim accord should be based on the legal personality of Kosova as a whole, is the position of the Republic's Government.
The long statement of the Government elaborates on different aspects of a hand-over of power from the 'FRY' to Kosova, such as arrangements to assure the minority populations here, including joint police patrols with international involvement in certain settlements.
The organs of the Republic of Kosova will implement all human and minority rights, based on full equality, and all sides will cooperate with international bodies to prosecute war criminals, regardless of their ethnic background, the Government said.
At the termination of a temporary period, the future status of Kosova will be determined or confirmed in accordance with the right of the people of the Republic of Kosova to self-determination. A referendum with international involvement will be held then, the Government of Kosova concluded.

Kosova Negotiators Discuss Plan with European Diplomats
The new version of the American draft agreement on Kosova has been enhanced somewhat, but it is still far from meeting the demands of the Albanians, Kosovar negotiators stressed

PRISHTINA, Nov 4 (KIC) - The Kosova negotiating team, headed by team coordinator Fehmi Agani, had separate meetings Tuesday and Wednesday in Prishtina with EU special envoy for Kosova, Wolfgang Petritsch, German ambassador to Belgrade, Wilfried Gruber, and the First Secretary in the Swedish Embassy in Belgrade, Julius Lilestrom.
The Kosova negotiators and the European diplomats discussed about the new American draft for an interim agreement in Kosova and the possibilities that it offers.
The Kosova negotiating team expressed the view that the new version of the draft agreement had been enhanced somewhat, but added that it is still far from meeting the demands of the Albanians. Remarks and suggestions on it will be presented in a written form, and they will be discussed with the American experts, the Kosova negotiators told the European diplomats, the KIC has learned.
The European diplomats reiterated the continued engagement of their respective countries and the European Union in favour of a rightful interim solution for Kosova.

Serb Forces Shell Albanian Villages with Artillery Fire in Central Kosova

PRISHTINA, Nov 4 (KIC) - At around 12:50 hrs today (Wednesday), Serb forces started shelling the village of Petrova, about 35 km south of Prishtina, the LDK chapter in Shtime said.
A couple of other villages in the Gryka e Vitakut (Vitaku Gorge) area came under Serb troops fire, too. Albanian communities were fired on from four Serb vehicles, two of them tanks, that left the town of Shtime, drove along main road of Reçak village and proceeded for Petrova, after midday today (Wednesday). There was no immediate word about possible casualties.
The head of the LDK Information Commission in Shtime said part of the internally displaced Albanians had trickled to Petrova and Reçak over the past days.

Over 900 Albanian Burned Out and Shelled in Peja During Summer Serb Crackdown

PRISHTINA, Nov 4 (KIC) - At least 941 houses of Albanians were burned down and shelled in Peja municipality, western Kosova, during repeated Serb offensives since 25 May, the LDK Information Commission in Peja said in a report circulated today.
Albanian villages in Peja were not affected as much as other municipalities in central, west and south-west of Kosova, such as Skenderaj, Gllogovc, Klina, Vushtrri, Malisheva, Gjakova, Deçan, Suhareka and Rahovec.
The municipalities of Shtime, Lipjan, Podujeva, Vushtrri, Istog, Obiliq and Shtërpcë suffered considerable damage.
The Commission said that 21 villages of the municipality and two suburbs of the town of Peja were affected by Serb attacks during the summer months. 15 farmhouses were shelled and burned in Lybeniq village, 221 in Loxha, 8 in Gorozhdec, 11 in Krstovc, 2 in Babiq, 3 in Dobërdol, 3 in Zllopek, 186 in Raushiq, 36 in Baran, 16 in Kosuriq, 68 in Vranoc, 1 in Rashiq, 33 in Krushec, 63 in Kotradiq, 67 in Qallapek, 7 in Llugaxhi, 12 in Glloxhan, 36 in Nepole, 41 in Buçan, 8 in Kamenicë, 25 in Broliq, 1 in Shtypeq and 77 in the "Dardania II" and "Dardania III" suburbs of Peja.

Mutilated Body of Albanian Remains Uncollected in Suhareka

PRISHTINA, Nov 4 (KIC) - The mutilated body of an Albanian, identified as Abaz Ndrecaj from Matiçeva village of Suhareka, was found on Tuesday near the Qafa e Duhlës (Duhla mountain pass), near the Prishtina-Prizren roadway.
The late Abaz Ndrecaj had gone missing on 26 July, the LDK chapter in Suhareka said.
The Ndrecaj family could not collected the body of their beloved because of the heavy Serb police presence near the area where his body was found, the LDK said.

Further Serb Forces Regrouping in Kamenica

PRISHTINA, Nov 4 (KIC) - Serb forces have continued regrouping near Albanian communities in Kamenica, a municipality in eastern Kosova, local sources said today (Wednesday).
Over the past three days, Serb troops and heavy armament were deployed in several places in the municipality, including at locations called "Bunari i Kopernicës" (the Kopernica Well) and "Dheu i bardhë". Serb troops manning these bases have been routinely harassing the local population and random passers-by, the LDK Information Commission in Kamenica said.
There has been a stepped up presence and movement of Serb police forces in the town of Kamenica lately, the report said.

Kosova Information Center
Last page!

KOSOVA (Rugova in the field)
Rugova sees for the first time Suharekë, Duhël, Shtime and the destruction

Southwestern Kosova, 3 November, (ARTA) 2000CET--
On Ambassador Hill’s green Chevrolet, embellished with US flags by the sides, Ibrahim Rugova visited for the first time the part of Kosova destroyed by the war.
"This is the first time that I am coming to Banjë, Chris (Hill) brought me here", declared Rugova, while shaking hands with the local Albanians in Malishevë Municipal village of Banjë.
This is the first visit (since his ten years of political career and seven months of war and destruction in Kosova) of Rugova to a region that was directly stricken by the offensives.
"I have not been here before, I was a man of the (Albanological) Institute", claimed Dr. Rugova.
"Welcome comrade President", could be heard the salutes of the locals.
"There is more destruction than I have expected. I cannot believe this", claimed Rugova.
Fahredin, a local peasant from Banjë, couldn't hide his surprise and happiness for seeing this famous personality 250.000 displaced Albanians never actually saw.
"Hey, you girls, this is our comrade President, Ibrahim Rugova, and this is Ambassador Hill who is helping us Albanians", Fahredin was claiming to his daughters who were washing clothes in the Banjë swimming pool.
Numerous escapees of Central Kosova who were sheltered in the village of Pagarushë and other surrounding villages (under plastic tents) managed to return into their homes only during the last days.
"Chris brought me here, I came to see you for some time", claimed Rugova.
"One can do anything when one has friends - in fact now it is the time for the action of returning the people to their homes", encouraged Rugova the locals who have stayed for more than three months in the surrounding forests.
"Good-bye and I expect to see you soon in Prishtina", claimed Dr. Rugova before setting off towards Ostrozub.
"I came here unexpectedly, now you saw me, I do not get out very often but thank you for staying here. Ambassador Hill who is our friend working here with us, brought me here", claimed Rugova.
"We pray to God, you would visit us more often", elderly locals from Ostrozub said, while Rugova was offering them cigarettes.
"You look fine, thank God", commented Rugova to the locals.
Thank you for staying here, for organizing yourselves, now it is the time of action for solving the problem of Kosova", encouraged them Dr. Rugova.
"Things will settle down", claimed Rugova.
"I have passed this way before when I was a man of the Institute, but now I am dealing with our problems and our people" he claimed.
"Our nation is hard-working and civilized".
"Chris (Hill) brought me here, because Americans are our 'senior uncles'".
While leaving Ostrozub, Rugova visited the town of Rahovec, which according to the American diplomacy is a model for the return of the IDPs.
The passers-by in Rahovec were saluting Rugova while driving through the town.
A Serb citizen was among them. She could not believe her eyes and could not control her feelings.
"Drago mi je sto sam vas videla (I am glad to have seen you) Snezana said, while begging President Rugova "to do something for these unfortunate nations, the Albanian and Serb".
" We are working every day, also with Ambassador Hill", answered Rugova.
A Serb approached Rugova afterwards saying he does not have any information about his father and brother.
"I hope everything will be all right", claimed Rugova.
On his way back to Prishtina Rugova drove through Suharekë, Duhël, and Shtime.
Once back in Prishtina, he held a press briefing together with Ambassador Hill, concerning the (un)usual visit and the talks about a political agreement which were carried out today.
According to Hill, "that agreement would enable the returned people to stay in their homes and not be expelled from them ever again".
"We will work on this and would achieve the political agreement, which would enable the people of Kosova to be competent for their own lives, to decide upon their issues and make Kosova prosperous again", claimed Hill.
Asked whether the Kosovars would decide about their future, Ambassador Hill answered with "Absolutely", without making it precise on whether this was affirmative or not.

KOSOVA (KLA communiqué)
KLA will not accept any agreement that is reached without its presence - and that is less than independence

"The KLA General Headquarters, evaluates that the situation in Kosova remains tense, dangerous and with tendencies of the fighting actions of the Serb police and army, to continue against the Albanian people.
The fascist Serb regime has still not fulfilled the requests of the international community, called by the UN Security Council, the Contact Group, the EU, NATO etc. On the contrary, the Serb troops are repositioning or taking the previous positions, despite the improvised withdrawal, several days ago.
On the other hand, KLA has not taken those positions and has no reason to take them. KLA is on its land. It demands and works in the direction of helping the dislocated population go back home -- if it has a place left to go to. Nevertheless, it has to go back, it has no other country, just as it will not have any freedom or prosperity, outside Kosova.
The KLA General Headquarters evaluated that the international community is constantly making a concession to the criminal regime of Belgrade, damaging the Albanian people.
Despite the NATO threats with striking on the Serb military points, the UN Security Council Resolution #1199 is fading away. The extension of the deadline is unjustified. The increase of the number of the Serb police\military forces, from 18,000 to 25,000, is one of the numerous concessions that are being made to the inhumane regime of Milosevic.
The attempts of ignoring the KLA, by the political circles in Kosova, Serbia and by the international community, has consequences making the solution of the problem impossible, since KLA is the most important institution in Kosova - without which there cannot be any discussions or decisions about this problem.
So far, none of the conditions posted by KLA or called by the international community have been fulfilled in order to start serious negotiations with the Serb side.
Hence, for the time being, the negotiations cannot begin. The attempts of individuals or of unauthorized groups to start negotiations will be unacceptable for KLA.
The KLA General Headquarters recalls that Kosova has its own institutions, political leadership, judiciary, the army, police etc., legitimized before the national and international factor.
Any attempts to form paramilitary groups, urged by the "institutional" mercenaries, will be perceived by the KLA as identical to the Serb occupier. We inform the autonomist and institutionalist phalange, that appointing compromised ex secret security people, who continue to divide the national movement as ministers will not be allowed – as it will not be allowed to play with the fate of the people and the blood that was shed for freedom.
The KLA General Headquarters, makes an appeal to the international relevant factors, not to misuse our self-restraint and generosity for cooperation - as well as the misfortune of our people, in order to make exceptions to the Belgrade regime and to collaborate with failed political and anti-national individuals and groups in Kosova.
KLA will not accept any agreement that is reached without its presence - and that is less than independence", it is stated in the communiqué issued by the KLA General Headquarters.

KOSOVA (Demaçi)
Demaçi: KLA cannot even be identified with the local police of Kosova

Prishtina, 3 November (ARTA) 1600CET—
Referring to the well-informed sources and to the announcements of the domestic and international press, especially after the broadcast of Albanian  Radio Television (TVSH) on 31 October 1998, stating that the "KLA will be turned into local police, as foreseen in the agreement reached between Holbrooke and Milosevic", the KLA General Headquarters informs through its political representative, that:
1.KLA is the regular Army of the Albanian nation in Kosova, emerged from the circumstances imposed by the Serb occupier. It was created as a result of the violence and repression exercised for nine years over the Albanian population in Kosova, which was expressed through barbarian executions of the innocent civilian population. These actions are qualified as genocide and ethnocide according to the criterions of the international jurisdiction.
2. KLA emerges from the people and it belongs to the Albanians, safeguards the sovereignty and integrity of Republic of Kosova, established in conformity with the section 3 of the Constitution of Kosova.
3. The structure of KLA has a vertical and horizontal hierarchy relying on laws, dispositions and its norms which are in conformity with the most sophisticated and contemporary legal regulations. It pursues them with discipline and accuracy. It respects and fulfills all the international covenants, which are respected by the most up-to-date militaries.
4. KLA is not an occupation army and it does not pretend anything alike. Its sacred duty is to protect the citizens of Kosova from the Serb aggressor, which imposed the war. A holly duty is also to expel the aggressor outside Kosova.
5. KLA has its duties, obligations, competencies as well as its signs and emblems of the local police. The Albanian local police in Kosova is created as a structure independent from the people and in cooperation with KLA. The Albanian local police of Republic of Kosova has accomplished and will accomplish all the duties in conformity with the laws, regulations and dispositions of keeping the public order in Republic of Kosova.
6. Based on the above-mentioned points, KLA BY NO MEANS ACCEPTS to be identified with the local police, not to speak about being turned into, or take the competencies of the local police of Republic of Kosova elected by the people in cooperation with KLA.
Every step in this aspect, undertaken by anybody will fail at the very beginning. Therefore KLA will consider such tentative as illegal acts, historically and legally harmful as well as an attempt to divide the Albanian nation in these tragic circumstances. Those who will induce such ideas, will be responsible for it.
7. This does not have to mean that KLA and its police units would not take active part in a better eventual training and professionalism of the police of Kosova, which could be offered by the interested foreign institutions.

KOSOVA (asylum-seekers – Switzerland)
Gerber: "Nobody knows what will the future bring to Kosova"

Bern, 3 November (ARTA) 1600CET --
After returning from Kosova, the director of the Federal Bureau for Refugees (BFF), Jean-Daniel Gerber, told the "Sonntags Zeitung", a newspaper in Zurich, that the first refugees will be returning to Kosova starting from the month of April, next year. However, after a four days stay in "Yugoslavia" and in Kosova, Gerber evaluated the situation as unstable. The BFF director said that interruption of the wave of refugees coming from Kosova, could be expected later, since the majority of them are presently on their way, mainly in Hungary. Czech Republic, Italy... Gerber assessed that if the cease-fire is respected the refugees could return from Switzerland by the end of April. "This is also the Government's aim", said Gerber. He informed that UNHCR has given the task of the general coordination of the aid program to Switzerland, in which the primary issue is supporting the refugees during their return and in the repairing of their houses. Switzerland will also take care of the dislocated that are outside Kosova as well, such as the ones in northern Albania, promised Gerber.
On the other hand, in a press conference held on Friday in Bern, Jean-Daniel Gerber, and Walter Fust, the director of the Directorate for the Development and Cooperation (DEZA), expressed their views following their stay in Kosova. Fust said that "there is a delicate tranquility in Kosova", while Gerber claimed that there is a "relative stability". Upon the authorization given by UNHCR, during the next coming couple of weeks, Switzerland will evaluate the level of damages from the war in Kosova. In the meantime, based on the requests of Switzerland, the UNHCR Conference, which will be held in Geneva on 20 November, besides treating the problems concerning the return of refugees in Bosnia, will also be discussing about the refugees of Kosova.
Gerber and Fust, evaluated before the numerous journalists in Bern, that the situation in Kosova is still very dangerous. They informed that during their visit, they had meetings with the leadership in Belgrade and in Prishtina. Concerning the situation of security, Gerber said that in the towns of Kosova they have not witnessed any dangers. The villages along the border belt with Albania are the most threatened areas. According to Gerber, the further course of the situation depends on "how will the agreement, which will allow Kosova a gradual turn to self-administration, be implemented. The Swiss official said that he had the impression that the Milosevic-Holbrooke agreement was more or less accepted by both Albanians and Serbs. However, what will the future bring - nobody knows", stated Gerber. In this press conference, the senior Swiss officials, stated that Switzerland would continue to help on rebuilding the buildings and on stabilizing the situation in Kosova. In this regard, they will evidence the damages, they will work on supplying drinking water to the villages were it was poisoned or the water system was destroyed and they will also work on investigating the mined regions. So far, Switzerland has allocated 9,5 million Franks for Kosova. Switzerland's aim is to prevent the migration of people by helping them. It is assessed that out of 400 thousand dislocated from Kosova during the eight last months, over 14 thousand of them, were sheltered in Switzerland.

KOSOVA (IDPs – no return – Mitrovicë)
Albanian villagers prevented from going home

Mitrovicë, 3 November (ARTA) 1700CET --
According to "KD" and CDHRF sources in Mitrovicë, the Serb police are still preventing the Albanian escapees from returning home.
On Monday, Pajazit Haxhiu (57), along with his seven family members, was headed back to his burned home in the village of Tërnafc, Skënderaj municipality, when the police fired in their direction from the checkpoint in Tërnafc. Pajazit and his family were forced to turn back and find shelter in Mitrovicë.
The police are also preventing people from going home in the village of Klinë e Epërme, respectively in the neighborhoods of Barani and Mecini.
In the Barani neighborhood, the Serb police have not removed the checkpoint, on the contrary, they built shelters for the numerous policemen. The road that leads to the Barani neighborhood, is blocked with wire along the road, and a table is placed on it with 4 S letters written on it.
In Mecini, the police are not allowing the Albanians in, since they are posted there themselves.
On 31 October, the police arrested Ahmet Beqiri (48), from Bajgorë, sheltered temporarily in Mitrovicë. He was held and beaten at the police station for nine hours.

KOSOVA (KLA Dukagjin on IDPs)
KLA: The refugees still do not dare to go home

"Even after the formal withdrawal of several police forces in the municipality of Deçan and in Dushkajë, municipality of Gjakovë and Lugu i Baranit, municipality of Pejë, the presence of Serb police\military and paramilitary is still very high" it is stated in an information of the Operative Headquarters of the Dukagjin plain.
"Still, the presence of the Serb forces in this region is causing a total insecurity and there are absolutely no guarantees for the return of the dislocated population to their destroyed houses", stated the information.
This, stated the report, is confirmed by the fact that, when on 28 October the civilian population of the village of Kliçinë, made an attempt to walk to their village, taking the road through Resuaj and go back to the camps of Lugu i Baranit, they were shot at from the police station in Çallapek. Then, women, children and elderly, were forced to go back to where they came from.
The police station set nearby was a permanent threat to the population of Lugu i Baranit. On the other hand, the residents of Loxhë and Raushiq were also, several times, prevented from going back to their destroyed houses. And so were the people of the Grabanicë village, municipality of Klinë, informs the KLA Operative Headquarters of the Dukagjin plain.
"In the majority of the war afflicted villages, no more than 20-30 people, mainly women, elderly and children, have returned".
The Operative Headquarters also informs about the provocations and positioning of the Serb forces in different places of the Dukagjin plain.
"On 30 October, Serb paramilitary, surrounded the house of Bajram Idrizaj, from Kotradiq, searching for his sons. On this case, they maltreated the members of this family", it is said in the report.
"The police forces in the checkpoint of Raushiq have only moved from the road and took a new position in a private house, deeper in the village".
The information stated that a police checkpoint was also set near the building of the "Banana" enterprise in Pejë.
Numerous Serb police\military forces are also evidenced in other villages of the border belt with Albania, such as in Suka e Cërmjanit, near the Radoniq military barrack, at the school in Krelan, Maznik, Ratish, Irzniq in Gllogjan i Nepolës etc"
In the meantime, it is claimed that today the Serb police buried nine Albanians, killed some time before.
In the report it is also requested from the international verifiers, to send permanent monitoring units in Lugu i Baranit, municipality of Deçan, in Dushkajë, in Junik and in other areas of crises, so that they could follow the situation from close.
"If the provocations, the killing and the abductions of the Albanians still continue, the KLA will be forced to undertake defensive measures", it is stated among others at the end of the information issued by the Operative Headquarters of the Dukagjin plain.

KOSOVA (humanitarian assistance – Deçan)
11 humanitarian trucks distribute aid to six villages during the pas four days

Deçan, 3 November (ARTA) 1800CET --
Another contingent with humanitarian aid arrived yesterday in Deçan. The contingent was made of food items, such as flour, sugar, kitchen oil, salt, clothing etc., provided by the "Mother Theresa" Humanitarian Association in Prishtina. These items will be distributed to the residents of the five villages of this municipality. A village that particularly needs help is the village of Baballoç, which is "forgotten", by the humanitarian institutions.
On the other hand, Binak Mataj (50), from the village of Baballoç, was arrested last week in Skivjan as he was headed to Deçan.
Binak was sent to the police station in Deçan, where he was held for two hours, and from there he was sent to the police station in Pejë, where he was interrogated.
During the several hours stay he was asked about the KLA, his engagements in it and also about the "KD" corespondent from Deçan.

KOSOVA (KLA arrests – Podujevë)
KLA captures a group of people

Prishtina, 3 November (ARTA) 1900CET--
"On 31 October, a KLA unit of the Operative sub-zone in Llap, captured a group of people, at the place called Xhamia e Mavriçit. Albanian thieves, Muhamet Halilaj, Man Avdyli, Ragip Ibrahimi and a minor M.J, all from Podujevë were detained. The gang had initially created panic by shooting  from their automatic weapons, so that the population of the nearby village would leave the houses, fearing that the shooting could be coming from the Serb forces. Their ultimate goal was to enter the houses and loot them. They had a truck, on which they were planning to transport the robbed things.
A KLA unit that was following closely the events, caught them on the spot. During the time they were being captured, Ragip Ibrahimi, resisted, thus he was killed in a fire exchange. The others were arrested, and sent to the competent bodies, where they are held in detention.
This group of bandits, in collaboration with the Serb forces, during the current offensive against the villages of Llap, looted the properties of the residents of Llapashticë, Lummadh, Dumnicë, Pollatë, Kërpimeh etc.", it is stated in the communiqué issued by the KLA Information Directory.

B92 NEWS, November 2

Reuters: Guerillas Blamed for Attack on Kosovo "Traitor"

ASSESSMENT OF THE DRAFT INTERIM AGREEMENT ON KOSOVO

Washington Window: DEMOCRACY IN THE BALKANS (TRANSCRIPT)

HRW REPORT: Abductions of Ethnic Serbs By the KLA

DAILY NEWS

No Serbian plan for Kosovo

BELGRADE, Monday -- Belgrade authorities had not prepared any plan for the future status of Kosovo, as announced by sources in Brussels at the weekend. US diplomats told Radio B92 today that direct Serb-Albanian negotiations had never been expected to begin on November 2 and that the whole story had been blown out of proportion.

Hill tours Kosovo

PRISTINA, Monday -- US Envoy Christopher Hill this morning met Kosovo Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova briefly in Pristina, before setting off for a tour of Orahovac and Malisevo. Hill yesterday met Serbian President Milan Milutinovic in Belgrade. A statement from the president's office said that a solution for Kosovo would be based on the Milosevic-Holbrooke agreement and eleven items defined last month by the Serbian Government.

Jovanovic: Hague without jurisdiction

BELGRADE, Monday -- Deputy Yugoslav Prime Minister Nikola Sainovic and Foreign Minister Zivadin Jovanic last night met foreign diplomats accredited in Belgrade. State television reported that the outcome of the meeting was a positive assessment of the OSCE mission in Kosovo. Sainovic told state media that there were no obstacles to cooperation between Yugoslavia and the OSCE. He added that the situation in Kosovo was improving daily, that refugees were being repatriated and that the situation was calm.
Foreign Minister Jovanovic, asked about cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, told the diplomats that Kosovo was not the subject of the tribunal's investigations because there had been no war in Kosovo. He added that the situation had been one of separatism and terrorism and that every country had a legitimate right to defend its own territory and sovereignty.

Serbia-KDOM agreement

PARIS, Monday -- France Press yesterday reported details of a document signed by Serbian authorities and KDOM, the Kosovo Diplomatic Observers Mission immediately before the expiration of the NATO deadline. The agreement allows Serbia to retain control over only 27 police checkpoints in the province. Serb police are required to withdraw from eight locations where the UCK had been active but are permitted to remain in Malisevo, Orahovac, Zociste, Suva Reka, Dulje and Lestane.
The document was signed by Deputy Serbian Interior Minister Vlastimir Djordjevic and the head of KDOM, Sean Burns.

UCK kills loyalist

PRISTINA, Monday -- The Pristina Media Centre reports that the UCK yesterday killed an Albanian man in Lipljane. The man's family allege that four armed men in UCK uniforms had opened fire at the house. The Pristina Media Centre adds that the man was probably killed because he and his family had never concealed their loyalty to the Serbian state.

DSK officials held by UCK

PRISTINA, Monday -- The Kosovo Information Centre reports that the UCK was still detaining two officials of the Democratic League of Kosovo. The two men were captured on Saturday and the UCK had still not given any explanation as to why they were being held. The presidency of the Democratic League yesterday condemned the UCK for the arrest, saying that no one had the right to obstruct the political activities of others, and demanding that the two be released as soon as possible.

Russia-Belarus-Russia alliance ``objectively irrelevant''

MOSCOW, Monday -- Belarussian President Aleksandar Lukashenko yesterday told Russian television that there would be no alliance between Russia, Belarus and Serbia because it would be objectively irrelevant. He was speaking after Deputy Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Seselj had appealed for such an alliance at yesterday's congress of the Russia-Belarus alliance. The ultranationalist leader of the Serbian Radical Party is heading a Yugoslav delegation to the congress. He told the assembly that the west was giving intensive assistance to all those who wished Serbia ill, emphasisng that NATO's primary target was not Serbia but Russia. Seselj appealed for all Slavic people to unite to defend their freedom and said that he hope that an alliance of Russia, Belarus and Serbia would soon be joined by the Ukraine. The vice-president of the Russian Duma, Sergei Baburin, said that the Yugoslav parliament should first give its opinion on Seselj's initiative, but that observer status for the Yugoslav delegation at the congress was the first stage in the process.

Translated by: Goran Dimitrijevic
Edited by: Steve Agnew
Editorial Board: b92eng@opennet.org
 

Open Yugoslavia, News by 17.00CET, November 3, 1998
------------------------------------------------------------------------
DAILY NEWS

Hill and Rugova in Kosovo

PRISTINA, Tuesday -- US Envoy Christopher Hill and Kosovo Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova today visited Malisevo, Banja and Orahovac together. Hill's spokesman Philip Ricker said that the US delegation was pleased to see that so many refugees were returning to their homes. He added however that the delegation was shocked by the number of houses which had been destroyed in the villages they had visited.
Ricker also told media that a new version of the draft agreement between Belgrade and Kosovo had been completed today and addressed the principal objections on both sides.

Taft in Belgrade

BELGRADE, Tuesday -- The assistant to the US Secretary of State for population, refugees and migrations, Julia Taft, told media in Belgrade today that the humanitarian situation in Kosovo had improved. Taft also noted that there was a greater presence of the UCK in the province, but added that the Albanian population was interested in going home, not conflict. She added that humanitarian organisations were now undertaking a survey of refugees and would this week release their findings on how many displaced people remained. Taft emphasised the problem of abductions and said that 121 Serbs were still in Albanian hands while about 800 Albanians were in prison.

UCK won't be local police

PRISTINA, Tuesday -- UCK Headquarters today announced that it would not accept being transformed into local police. In its statement, distributed to journalists today, the UCK described itself as the regular army of the Albanian people, created in conditions imposed by the Serbian occupation. The sacred mission of the UCK, said the statement, was to expel the Serbian aggressor from Kosovo.
The statement was handed to journalists after a press conference given by the UCK's political representative, Adem Demaqi. Demaqi told media that he disagreed with NATO's assessment that Belgrade had complied with demands to withdraw forces. He alleged that Serb troops were hiding inside various buildings such as factories, and were not detectable by NATO's spy flights.
Demaqi also said that he wanted to establish an assembly of citizens which would include all Albanian political parties in Kosovo. Such a body, he said, would form a government and a negotiating team which would accurately represent the whole complex Albanian political spectrum.
Demaqi also said that representatives of the International Red Cross would not be allowed to visit two Tanjug journalists who have been sentenced to two months detention by the UCK. He said that such a visit could not be permitted in war conditions. Demaqi added that the journalists had been convicted of concealing their identity.

Taft on media

BELGRADE, Tuesday -- US Envoy Julia Taft today spoke to representatives of independent and private media in Serbia. In her address she said that the independent media were very important in the process of calming the crisis in Kosovo, adding that as many people as possible should be informed of events in the region.

Danas back tomorrow

BELGRADE, Tuesday -- The Belgrade Independent daily Danas will resume publication tomorrow after three weeks off the news stands, according to the paper's editor-in-chief Grujica Spasojevic. Spasojevic said today that Danas would be printed in Montenegro. The paper was banned under the Serbian Government's decree on information during the period of NATO air strike threats, which preceded the new Information Act.

Rock concert protest

BELGRADE, Tuesday -- The Association of Independent Electronic Media and Radio B92 will present a rock concert in Belgrade's central Republic Square tomorrow afternoon at 3.00. The event, which is called A Concert for Free Air and Life Without Pressure, will feature several popular Belgrade bands including Partibrejkers, Darkwood Dub, Srdjan Gojkovic -- Gile, Eva Braun, Kanda Kodza i Nebojsa and Eyesburn.
The concert is part of the Radio B92 and ANEM project ``Silence Does Not Become Serbia'' to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations' Universal Declaration on Human Rights. It is also intended as a protest at the media situation in Serbia following the enactment of the new Public Information Act.
The concert will also be broadcast live on the Internet at
http://www.b92.net/b92/live/necutati.html.

 Translated by: Goran Dimitrijevic
 Edited by: Steve Agnew
 Editorial Board: b92eng@opennet.org

Guerrillas Blamed for Attack on Kosovo 'Traitor'
Reuters  03-NOV-98

MALO GRACKO, Serbia, Nov 3 (Reuters) - Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) gunmen critically wounded a fellow ethnic Albanian at his home for alleged loyalty to Serbia, independent Serbian media said on Tuesday.
     FoNet news agency quoted local Serbian authorities as saying Fehmi Sopa was fighting for his life in a Pristina hospital after uniformed members of the KLA shot him at his home on Monday evening.
     Reporters who went to the Kosovo village of Malo Gracko to interview Sopa's distraught family found a KLA cap on the ground in the front of his house. Relatives said they did not know who the attackers were as they had not seen them.
     Serbian officials said they believed the reason for the attack was that the Sopa family had "not hidden its loyalty to Serbia," according to FoNet.
     The KLA launched a war for independence in Kosovo, a majority-Albanian province of Serbia, last March with the backing of most of the population.
     The independent news agency Beta quoted sources close to regional Serbian authorities as saying KLA members had killed several compatriots considered to be "traitors" to the cause of an independent Kosovo in the past month.
     Fighting has subsided in Kosovo since the bulk of Serbian security forces withdrew to avoid NATO air strikes and both sides pledged to observe a ceasefire. U.S. diplomats are trying to set up talks on autonomy for Kosovo.
     Sopa's wife, Naime, said they and their six children were at home around 8.30 p.m. on Monday when someone knocked on the front door. Her elder daughter asked who was there and the callers said they were looking for Fehmi Sopa.
     "My husband then went to the door and opened it. When he saw they were masked and unknown, he tried to close the door but they pulled him through it," Naime Sopa said.
     "They were not able to pull him out completely, so they shot him. He managed to close the door, then fell down covered in blood in front of his children," she told Reuters.
     "The children started to scream. The eldest son went out to have a look. Two shots were fired in his direction, but he was not hit. Many bullets were fired towards our house."
-end-

October 29, 1998

ASSESSMENT OF THE DRAFT INTERIM AGREEMENT ON KOSOVO
By Kurt Bassuener and James Hooper

     The text you can read at  back217.htm

03 November 1998

TRANSCRIPT: EXPERT DISCUSSES DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN THE BALKANS
(Bugajski says situation is "a very mixed picture") (8380)

Washington -- Janusz Bugajski, director of East European Studies at the Center for Strategic International Studies (CSIS) says the state of democracy in the Balkans is very "mixed."
     Speaking on WorldNet's "Washington Window" October 2, the Balkan expert said, "In the eastern Balkan countries of Bulgaria and Romania there is progress. During the past year and a half they've elected very much pro-democracy, pro-market, pro-Western governments, are very much committed to European integration, very much committed to the transatlantic alliance ..."
     Looking at the western Balkan countries of Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Macedonia, Bugajski said that "the picture is very, very mixed, and we have to watch things very carefully in each of these countries," and he mentioned the "tragic situation" in Serbia and Albania.
     Agreeing that there is not a developed public opinion, Bugajski said, "Yes, again it's one of the problems faced by the media in a lot of these countries where public awareness, public education about the political system, about the transformation of a political system, is very rudimentary -- if it exists at all.
     "I think it is incumbent on the media to -- the independent media -- not just within the country, but also our broadcasting services, including USIA, it's incumbent on us to help promote the values of democracy and citizenship and free markets and free choice.
     "It's particularly difficult I would say in the countries that have emerged from Yugoslavia, because of the nature of the leadership in many of these states or entities. There is still a strong element of fear.... I think there is a lot that can be done. We have to work imaginatively. It will require resources, but I think you, the people in these countries, have to demand these resources to create a normally functioning society."

WorldNet is the satellite television service of the U.S. Information Agency.

Following is a transcript of the interview:

(Begin transcript)

WORLDNET "WASHINGTON WINDOW" UNITED STATES INFORMATION AGENCY
Television and Film Service of Washington, D.C.

GUEST: Janusz Bugajski, Director of East European Studies, Center for Strategic International Studies, or CSIS
TOPIC: The Democratic Process in the Balkans
HOST:  Diane Butts
DATE:  November 2, 1998 TIME:  09:00 - 10:00 EST

MS. BUTTS: Hello, I'm Diane Butts. Welcome to "Washington Window," where we discuss today's most important issues one-on-one with leading newsmakers.
     Since early September the world has watched the democratic process take root in Central Europe. Western monitors were on hand as Bosnia-Herzegovina held its most important election to date, while in Slovakia voters chose their first new government since 1989. And this past weekend Macedonians went to the polls where they were expected to choose the center right opposition, marking its first taste of power in 53 years.
     Well, as democracy seems to flourish in the region, questions abound as to just how democratic these nations really are. And in the hour ahead we are going to look at the democratic process in the Balkans and in Central Europe. But first let's take a closer look at two of the region's recent elections.

(Begin videotape.)

ANNOUNCER: Following the end of the Cold War, Eastern Europeans have found themselves with the unique opportunity -- that of selecting a form of government for themselves. For many of the nations Western pressure and pursuit of Western stability has led to the establishment of democratic regimes.
     In recent weeks, two countries, Bosnia and Slovakia, attempted to further their democratic systems by holding elections. In Bosnia's second national election, three out of every four registered voters in the country went to the polls, in an event closely monitored by the 58-member Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Despite a Western strategy evading moderate candidates, the voters stayed true to the nation's ethnic divisions.
     Robert Gelbard, United States special envoy to the Balkans, noted that moderate victories in other crucial races were important to the democratic movement.

AMB. GELBARD: The overall results of the elections have been extraordinarily important and positive in terms of moving in the directions to further the goals of the Dayton agreement and to promote further development of democratic pluralism.
     ANNOUNCER: Slovaks went to the polls in late September and voted for change. Eighty-five percent of the electorate cast their votes with a majority wanting change from the sitting government. A coalition of pro-democracy parties who collectively amassed 57 percent of the vote promised to reshape the government and move in the same political direction as their neighbors Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, which have already gained favor with NATO and the European Union.

(End videotape.)

MS. BUTTS: Well, joining me here in the studio to talk about the state of democracy in the Balkans, I am pleased to welcome back Janusz Bugajski. He's the director of East European Studies at the Center for Strategic International Studies. Janusz, welcome back.

MR. BUGAJSKI: Hello, good to be back.

MS. BUTTS: It's always a pleasure to have you with us. Let's talk first in very broad terms. What's the state of democracy in the Balkans?

MR. BUGAJSKI: I would say it's a very mixed picture at the moment. We have progress, particularly I would say in Romania and Bulgaria, in the eastern part of the Balkans. During the past year and a half they've elected very much pro-democracy, pro-market, pro-Western governments, are very much committed to European integration, very much committed to the transatlantic alliance, and as a result implementing the sort of programs -- at least we hope so over the long term -- that would guarantee the participation in the structures, the European and transatlantic structures -- in other words, trying to institute a market economy, political pluralism involving the minorities -- particularly very important I would say in Romania.
     But the picture is mixed, because in the western part of the Balkans it's less clear. We have of course the tragic situation in Serbia, which is still controlled basically by a post-communist regime. We have a tragic situation still in Albania, which is very much still destabilized -- there isn't a strong central government, or let's say a government that can transform the country. Macedonia is now on the verge of a potential transformation, if it involves I think the large Albanian community in the government. And then you have Bosnia, which is somewhere in between. In other words, you have the beginnings of a move toward some kind of a democratic system, but it's not a pluralistic -- let's say it's not a multi-ethnic democracy by any stretch of the imagination.
     So I would say the picture is very, very mixed, and we have to watch things very carefully in each of these countries.

MS. BUTTS: Now, as you said some countries in the region are doing very well. What lessons might the other countries that aren't doing so well learn from those that are?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Well, it depends what they're starting point was. I think all the countries that emerged from the former Yugoslavia, the burden they carried with them is that there was no transformation of the political system. They descended into either nationalism or outright war or ethnic separation without going through a democratic transformation. This hasn't been the case for example in Romania and Bulgaria, which have had more opportunity to at least institute some of the democratic reforms that are essential for their membership in NATO, in the European Union.

MS. BUTTS: Okay, thank you very much. We will continue our discussion in just a moment. I'd like to remind all of you that "Washington Window" is now available on the Internet. Just go to the Web address you see on your screen for instant access to any of our programs. Now you can watch "Washington Window" whenever you want.
     Well, if you would like to join our discussion, we would like to invite you to call us collect. The phone number here in Washington is 202-205-9072. We are going to take our first question from OBN. Welcome.

Q: Good afternoon, Washington. Good afternoon, Diane. Good afternoon, Mr. Bugajski. I am happy to be again on this program. Considering I'm speaking from Sarajevo, which was mentioned by Mr. Bugajski, I would ask you to explain certain things regarding the current situation in Bosnia. You said that multiethnic democracy isn't being fully developed, which I agree with. And how did the current elections show this?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Thank you very much, and good to speak to Sarajevo again. It is clear, and I think you know better than I think we do over here, that Bosnia -- there's a long way to go, I'd say, in Bosnia before we have a fully functioning multi-ethnic democracy. The problems are, I'd say, twofold -- first of all with the division into the two entities -- I think this has consolidated the role of either the nationalists or the post-nationalists, the more modern nationalists if you like, particularly in Republika Srpska. Even though the results of elections were painted, I think, by OSCE as something very, very positive, I think it was a mixed picture. Unfortunately, in many cases the radicals on the Serb side did gain some ascendancy. Even I would say that Dodik and Plavsic people have shown that they are not fully committed to reintegration to allowing the refugees, the people who were expelled from their homes, to return to their homes. I think their idea of a democracy still focuses on the nation rather than a multiethnic territorial entity.
     On the Croatian side we also have the hardliners that continue to dominate. Unfortunately the opposition party to the (HDZ ?) did not do as well as expected in the Croatian side of the Bosnian entity. So that's why I'm saying it's a very, very mixed picture, and I think the international community has to stay the course, which will take many, many years. I personally would like to see more assistance to the democratic parties, to the parties such as the Social Democrats and liberals who are more committed to a multiethnic Bosnia, because I think this is the only future for the country. Otherwise, what I fear is that the separateness will continue -- in other words, the struggle for some kind of separate state.
     One other thing if I could just say is if there are no changes in Serbia and Croatia, this will also continue to influence negatively the situation in Bosnia. In other words, the continuing rule of both Milosevic and Tudjman does encourage the separatists, the ethnic purifiers, if you like, in both entities. And this is a sad situation. But at least there is no war. At least there is no fighting at the moment. It's a long-term struggle to build a multiethnic democracy, and the international community has to stay the course.

MS. BUTTS: Okay, we are going to take a call now from TV ZETL (sp) in Zenica. Go ahead please.

Q: I would like to greet -- (technical difficulties) --

MS. BUTTS: Okay, I am going to ask you to turn your speakers down. We are not able to hear your question. Turn your speakers down and go ahead and ask your question please.

Q: My question is as follows. Of course greetings to Mr. Bugajski in the studio. How do you judge the work of the opposition in the Balkan countries -- Croatia, Bosnia and FRY? Can they bring about certain changes?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Thank you, a very good question. I think in the long term, yes. In the short term they have very difficult obstacles, particularly as we know in Serbia and in Croatia.
     The situation in Croatia -- let me begin with that -- may change over the next year. We are now witnessing in Zagreb major power struggles within the ruling party, the HDZ (sp). We have defections and resignations of some of Tudjman's former closest advisers. The opposition itself has managed to form a coalition which seems to be holding. They have elections -- parliamentary elections -- coming next year. And I think so then it may be instructive to look at the situation in Slovakia. We also had a very hard-line authoritarian ruler based around one person, Mr. Meciar, and with the opposition committed to work together to present a viable program for the public. The Slovak opposition actually won and is in the process of forming a government. I think this could be very instructive for Croatia, which no longer faces either occupation or some kind of a military threat.
     In Serbia it's much more difficult. As we know, Mr. Milosevic relies on crisis, conflict and war, and this has been perpetuated now in Kosovo over the past few months. The opposition itself is very weak, very disunited -- parts of it have been bought out by Milosevic or manipulated by Milosevic. It's going to be a long-term struggle for Serb democrats to form some kind of a viable alternative to Milosevic.
     In Bosnia I would say the situation is very mixed. In some cities the opposition is quite strong. When I say "opposition," I mean those committed to a multiethnic society. But I think it will be an uphill struggle, particularly on the Croat side and the Serb side of Bosnia. This is where I think the international community has to pay much more attention to building up the forces, the tolerant forces, the multiethnic, liberal pro-European forces.
     So it's again, I would say there are similarities, but there are some differences between the three.

MS. BUTTS: Okay. We are going to take another call from Sarajevo. Let's go back to OBN.

Q: Thank you. Last week two incidents took place for Bosnia. That is, OSCE made a new list of the countries -- no, the EU made a new list of the countries that will be integrated into the European Union. Mr. Bugajski, considering the money that has been invested into former Yugoslavia and Bosnia, according to your opinion, does something need to be invested into democratizing something else in this region?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Thank you. If I understand your question correctly, it's a question of EU integration and investment in that process. One of the criteria for integration either in NATO or the EU is a democratic system, a pluralistic democracy with respect for minority rights, with full treaties with neighbors -- something very, very important which hasn't yet been achieved in most of the former Yugoslavia. Yes, I believe there has to be more investment in the democratic forces, the pro-European forces in these countries, because ultimately that's the direction in which they will have to move. They cannot stay in some kind of a gray zone. We have seen, for example, in Central Europe the firm commitment of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary to a multiethnic pluralistic democracy, to a free market, to a transformation process in their economies, has resulted in their candidacy and imminent membership first of all of NATO and a few years later of the European Union.
     I believe all the Balkan states have to move in that same direction. And Bulgaria and Romania, I think, in particular have realized this over the past year: That there is no third way. The third way is a disaster, and we have seen this over the past few years in both countries, and we have seen it even more in the case I would say of the former Yugoslavia.
     Slovenia for example has learned the best lesson: The transformation process is very far ahead, the economy is very productive, investment is coming. This is the direction of all the countries in the region, including Serbia, including Albania. How to get there is the difficulty. It's much easier to invest in a business than it is to invest in a political party and to invest in citizenship. That's a long-term process, a very patient process that I think we have to be much more engaged in than we have up 'til now.

Q: Does the West use the right instruments in dealing with the situation in former Yugoslavia, in Croatia? Would you change anything in the approach of the West in the attempt to resolve the situation in the former Yugoslavia?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Yes. I mean, I would then -- if you go back in history to the beginning of this war, I think there should have been a very strong signal, a very strong threat from NATO right at the outset when the Yugoslav army -- particularly when the Yugoslav army launched its anti-civilian war, particularly in Croatia and in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and recently in Kosovo -- in other words, to deter the kind of conflict which we have witnessed, a conflict which has created ethnic division rather than resulted from it.
     But without going back into history, I think "yes" -- I mean, to reiterate what I was saying, I think part of the complaint for example of the Serbian opposition is that we pay too much attention to Milosevic and not enough attention to the genuinely healthy forces in Serbian society. I think a much greater commitment should be made through the mass media, through direct political assistance, through training programs for the opposition forces -- and the same I would say for Bosnia-Herzegovina and the same for Croatia. So I wouldn't change at this point the direction -- I just think the direction has to be much more intensive.
     Of course, the Kosovo question is something else. I personally think that some element of force sooner or later is going to be required by the international community, because I don't see an easy resolution to this conflict.

MS. BUTTS: Now, you speak of NATO -- what about the U.N.? What should the U.N. role be? I understand there is a recent report that criticizes governments for human rights violations -- what should their role be in all of this?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Well, the U.N. does play a role, but the U.N. unfortunately is a very huge organization, and it covers the globe. There are only so many crisis points that it can focus on. I think it's incumbent on European-based organizations to get Europe in order. In other words, the countries that belong to Europe, at least geographically, that don't yet belong to Europe politically -- they're the ones that have to be dealt with by such organizations as the EU, the OSCE and NATO. The United Nations, of course, can play a role, but that role, unfortunately I would say, sometimes has been negative. If you look at the UNPROFOR operation in Bosnia, if anything, it prevented a resolution to the conflict, which only came with the Dayton agreement and the use of force by NATO.
     So the U.N. can play a constructive role, but unfortunately it sometimes plays an obstructive role.

MS. BUTTS: Let's go back to OBN in Sarajevo for another question.

Q: The next question might be a little strange, and I want to pose it to Mr. Bugajski. Do you think there are some interests that are contrary to that of the European Union and that deal with resolving the situation in this part of Europe?

MR. BUGAJSKI: If I understand -- I am not sure I understand the question correctly, but are there forces, you are saying, within society or outside of these countries which are anti-European -- anti-EU, let's say -- anti-integrationist? Yes, I would say there are, and these are precisely within the countries [where] the forces that thrive on isolationism, protectionism, authoritarianism, use nationalism and ethnicity in order to keep themselves in power.
     I think one of the best examples is from slightly outside of the region, and I would point again at Slovakia. Slovakia which in '93, when it gained independence, seemed to be set firmly on course for European integration and transatlantic integration. But you had a particular government that came in, led by Prime Minister Meciar, which thrived on populism, on nationalism, and deliberately I would say isolated the country from Europe, put it in some kind of a gray zone in order to preserve their hold on power, manipulated nationalism, manipulated fears of outside influence in order for them to preserve their hold on power.
     Now, the question I think can be replicated, or the situation can be replicated throughout the Balkans. In other words, there are forces within these countries that are anti-integrationist.
     Secondly, I would say, yes, there are forces from outside of the region -- Moscow, Russia, certainly doesn't want the Balkan states or the Baltic states or Ukraine to belong to NATO, because they choose to see NATO as a threat. In other words, they will do -- they will work with the political forces in these countries that oppose integration into NATO -- and in some countries even integration into the European Union. And these have to be I think very, very carefully watched.
     A third set of factors I would say revolves around the question of international organized crime, often linked I would say with some of the more regressive forces within these countries -- the so-called new capitalists who do have huge political influence as they do in Russia. And again for them they are against any kind of a European legal system, a system of checks and law and order, of police controls, a system of let's say normalcy, as we have in parts of Western Europe. And they, too, would oppose integration into NATO, into the EU, particularly where these countries gain increasingly, let's say, support from the Western democracies in fighting crime.
     So there are as I said various forces both within and outside of these countries that do oppose integration, but I believe ultimately that is the only direction for these countries.

Q: Next question. Because you are writing a book dealing with your views on the development in Eastern Europe, how can you describe social democrats winning in Europe and describe the current democratic elections in Macedonia?

MR. BUGAJSKI: I'm not sure how the two are connected, but Europe -- the Western Europe has a fairly balanced -- all the countries in Western Europe are a very balanced system. In other words, we have a strong governing party and a strong opposition, and a usually, let's say, left center or right center. Recently we've had victories of at least nominally left-of-center governments in Britain and in Germany, but these aren't socialist governments in the traditional sense. These are new social democratic parties who are very much committed to the market economies, very much committed to NATO, very much committed to the European Union.
     I think there may be a difference in emphasis in terms of some of the social programs -- the budget spending and so forth -- but it's within the parameters of the democratic system. What you had in countries such as Macedonia and some of the other communist states, the social democrats that emerged were not truly a part of the let's say Western social democratic tradition, but in many cases were former communists who adopted the social democratic label -- their commitment to reform was very limited, they tried to preserve certain control over resources, and in some cases benefited personally from control over resources and the privatization program.
     But I think even here these parties will eventually have to emerge into modern social democratic parties. They cannot stand still.
     The results of the Macedonian election are finally -- I think we have to wait to see, once all the results are in. Hopefully -- and I think this is critical for Macedonia -- is the emergence of a strong multiethnic government. In other words, if the Albanians are included in this new government coalition and don't feel excluded -- because if they feel excluded, like they did in Serbia, then there is the danger of the creation of some kind of a parallel political system, a parallel society, and I think it's essential for Macedonia to remain integral and to include all the ethnic groups in the government.

MS. BUTTS: When will we know more about the election results in Macedonia?

MR. BUGAJSKI: I think over the next 24 to 48 hours we should have a clear picture. I mean, we know more or less who won; but I think how the exact proportions, I think we have to wait a little bit longer. And then of course the even more difficult process, the negotiation process over what kind of a coalition it will be -- who will it include, how the ministries will be divided, and this too is important. So these are critical days I would say for Macedonia right now.

MS. BUTTS: What about that country's relationship with its neighbors after the election? What do you think might happen?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Well, that's a huge question. Of course, the key question is the Albanian question in Macedonia. If indeed the Albanians are included in the government, I think the situation can be stabilized, and we could prevent the sort of conflict that we have seen in Kosovo and Serbia over the past few months.
     Secondly, I would say the situation with Serbia itself has to be improved. Serbia has to recognize, Yugoslavia has to recognize the border with Macedonia, which it hasn't done. It has obstructed this process up till now.
     Thirdly, I would say there could be more progress with Bulgaria. There are some disputes with Bulgaria over the language question, which I think can be resolved amicably, particularly as the new Bulgarian government is committed to NATO and the European Union and needs to sign full treaties, full relations with its neighbors.
     Lastly, Greece, which I think has improved its relations quite dramatically over the past year or two, and it's behaving, I think, in a much more responsible fashion than it did initially. So Macedonia does have a lot of foreign policy issues that it needs to handle, but I believe a strong multiethnic government could handle them.

MS. BUTTS: Let's take another call from OBN in Sarajevo.

Q: Mr. Bugajski, considering the situation in Bosnia is moving into democracy, the incomplete peace plan -- there is still another question, and I would like to hear your view. And that's the international community is deciding in situations when parliaments cannot agree on how to bring a decision, it would be decided in the office of the High Commissioner. How is this involvement long-term an obstacle to democracy in Bosnia? Is it possible to create a basis for a democratic society under such conditions?

MR. BUGAJSKI: That's an excellent question, and it's a major dilemma, I think, faced by the High Commissioner, by Carlos Westendorp, as well as by the international community. In other words, given a situation where the three sides can't decide -- for example, we had problems over the flag, over car registration plates, over anthems and symbols, as well as political struggles over compositions of parliament and decision-making and so on.
     On the one hand you could say, yes, we have to impose some kind of a coalition here, some kind of a system whereby you can work together. But the question is how far that will go. In other words, does doing that create a protectorate from Bosnia, some kind of an international protectorate in which the international community would need to spend five, ten or longer in the country in order to keep this system together? And I think this is a huge question.
     Sooner or later the international community has to begin to disengage and allow the Bosnians to work together. If they cannot work together in the given circumstances, then who can? And this is where I think it's absolutely essential while working at this high governmental level to build up the forces that are committed -- the younger forces, the multiethnic forces, the liberal element, the business element in Bosnian society. It's a major dilemma. I don't have an easy answer how this can be resolved, but I think it's very important to keep focused on this question, because Bosnia you could look at as a child that sooner or later it's going to have to grow up, and the international community is going to have to let go of the hand. The question is the timing and what kind of structures and personalities we have in the political system at that time.

MS. BUTTS: Okay, we are going to take another call from TV ZETL (sp). Go ahead please.

Q: I would like to continue on the same question. Do you really consider Bosnia and Herzegovina a protectorate?

MR. BUGAJSKI: I would say it's a quasi-protectorate. To all intents and purposes, it is protected by the international community. First of all, you have a NATO force which is there to deter conflict, to deter war, to deter the kind of brutality that we saw over the four-and-half-year period. Secondly, we have a major OSCE mission, which is responsible for elections, for organizing all the, let's say processes of creating this political system. Thirdly we have the role of the High Commissioner who -- he has been criticized by some but praised by others -- has taken a much more forceful role in creating the symbols and substance of a multiethnic democracy.
     I say "quasi" protectorate because there is still a good deal of, let's say, autonomous action by the entities in Bosnia. Let's put it this way: if it was a full protectorate I think we would have gotten rid of the nationalists, those committed to a uni-ethnic entity, uni-ethnic states within Bosnia a long time ago. So it's a quasi entity in that we are trying to work with some of these people, trying to let's say cultivate more of a multiethnic spirit. And some would argue that it's not protectorate enough -- in other words there should be much more forceful action to remove these people, to capture all the war criminals, particularly Karadzic and Mladic, to remove the nationalists and the (Herzeg entity ?) and so on.
     So again there is a huge, I would say, debate on this -- how far one can go. I consider it a quasi-protectorate which could turn into a full protectorate over the next few years, or if not that then a long-term international presence which on the one hand helps develop a democratic system, but on the other hand doesn't yet allow that democratic system to flourish, because the structures and commitment isn't yet there.

Q: When you said the international community should pay more attention to the Balkans, how can you talk about democratization in these countries if their people have problems with equality? Why does the international community not exert greater pressure in this respect?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Well, if I understand your question regarding equality, you mean multiethnic equality, political equality -- I agree with you, I think we should have been much more active, particularly in the former Yugoslavia, from the very early '90s, even before the war began during the first Republican elections. Now the process -- what we have had is a deliberately engineered division cultivated and promoted by war, promoted by separatism and fear, generated particularly I would say on the side of Belgrade within Bosnia. It's an uphill struggle. How much can the international community become involved before it's accused of manipulating the process? And we are beginning to see this now in Bosnia. I think it's up to a lot of people to decide how much control, how much involvement they want by the international community.
     I would prefer much closer work by NGOs [non-governmental organizations] and political parties with the democratic forces, with the democratic parties in Bosnia, Serbia and Croatia. And I think this is essential. We saw this -- again I go back to the example of Slovakia. Things seemed lost a year ago. The opposition was very weak. The government is firmly in control. And you had, because of our involvement, because of the let's say, widespread nature of the NGO community, and the commitment particularly of young Slovaks to Europe, you had a major turnaround. I think the same could possibly happen in Croatia, and further down the road in Bosnia and Serbia as well. But I think it needs a commitment. And there is also a generational factor. I won't go into this too much, but I think the young Bosnians, the young Serbs, the young Croats -- they don't want to live in a divided situation. They want to live in a normal country, a normal European country. The model is not a uni-ethnic state. Surely their model must be Europe, where you can travel freely, move freely, listen to the music you like, meet the people you like, live where you like and work where you like. And that is the future I think.

MS. BUTTS: You mentioned NGOs. What should they be doing exactly? How can they help this process?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Well, again the example of Slovakia I think is very, very instructive. In addition to the political parties you had a major involvement of various organizations to bring people out -- for example first of all to vote; secondly, to make them aware of the choices that they faced -- choices not just locally but choices internationally, whether that choice was isolation or integration, and what that would signify for Slovakia. You had, as I said, the generational question -- something like 180,000 or 200,000 new voters -- much more -- there is much more chance that you can influence them, there is much more chance that you can involve them in the political process if you build some kind of a commitment, some kind of dynamism, there's some very good young people in Slovakia as there are in Bosnia.
     Thirdly, I would say the business sector -- business, particularly the legitimate business, the legitimate entrepreneurs in these countries -- look towards foreign investment, look towards international trade, international integration. So I think more emphasis has to be placed there as well.
     And lastly I would say -- what you didn't have in Slovakia -- you have to deal with the war criminals and the people that are still responsible, still obstruct the movement of people back to their homes. And I still don't think we have dealt with that firmly enough.

MS. BUTTS: Okay, let's go back to TV ZETL (sp).

Q: Regarding the Balkan question, dealing with neighboring countries, is it possible to speed up democracy by somehow having the opposition work together?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Yes. I mean I think you are talking about coalition building, which is essential, because what you had in these former communist countries is the emergence initially of very splintered democratic movements, often very small parties, often very diverse parties without any common program, and a lot of big egos -- in other words, people trying to get into power without having either the constituents or the program to warrant that position of power.

Coalition building involves a lot of things. First of all it involves building up these political parties, combining some of the political parties, trying to change electoral laws which encourage mergers, which encourage coalitions, which encourage let's say unification rather than a splintering of the political system. They also involve, as I said, need to involve a lot of work with the non-governmental sector. The NGO community has a big role to play in fostering citizenship, citizens' awareness of politics, of the choices available in the political system. There's a lot to be done, and there's a lot to be done I think throughout the Balkans.
     Again let me use the example of Romania, which with some assistance from the West Europeans, from the Americans, did manage to build a very credible coalition, a democratic convention, which as we know did gain -- did win the elections, the last Romanian elections -- did create a very good working coalition with the large Hungarian minority, very much committed to NATO as well as the European Union. I mean, this is a process that we have seen happen in the Balkans. And if it can happen in Romania, it can happen in Bulgaria, it can happen in Serbia, it can happen in Bosnia. You can't give up hope -- it's a lot of hard work that needs to be done, but you need the direction, you need the vision.

MS. BUTTS: Coalition building, working with the opposition -- as you said, some countries have done it -- realistically though, how long should the process take? These are tall orders for some of these countries to undertake.

MR. BUGAJSKI: These are tall orders, but, as I said, you have to have a vision of where you want to get to in the next two, three, four, five years. And I think the Slovaks, the Romanians, the Bulgarians had that vision.
     In the case of Bulgaria again, let me say was very interesting. You had a government of post-communists but still a quasi-communist government. But you basically drove the economy into the ground. And as the Bulgarians said, "It took us -- from the moment when we started to get hungry -- we couldn't find bread -- that we realized there was something wrong with the system -- we had to change this." Maybe it hasn't come to that yet in Serbia and even Croatia. Hopefully, it won't come to that, that enough people will realize that the system is bad and the system can be changed -- but they have to work for it.

MS. BUTTS: Let's go back to TV ZETL (sp) for another question.

Q: The leading B&H independent media, we feel -- they feel that there is not a developed public opinion, and because of that the work of the journalists and independent media is without effect.

MR. BUGAJSKI: Yes, again it's one of the problems faced by the media in a lot of these countries where public awareness, public education about the political system, about the transformation of a political system, is very rudimentary -- if it exists at all. I think it is incumbent on the media to -- the independent media -- not just within the country, but also our broadcasting services, including USIA, it's incumbent on us to help promote the values of democracy and citizenship and free markets and free choice.
     It's particularly difficult I would say in the countries that have emerged from Yugoslavia, because of the nature of the leadership in many of these states or entities. There is still a strong element of fear. There's an impregnation as you know of nationalism in the political debate. In other words people look at others not necessarily as citizens but as members of a nation -- of an ethnic group. Fear has been generated by the ruling parties, and then they pose as the defenders of these ethnic groups against the outsider. It's something that is going to take a long time I think to overcome. But you can begin the process working with young people. I think the NGO community and the free media has to present a more credible program. Let's present a list of requirements that the media needs, that the NGO community needs from the West, and say this is going to be cheaper for you than to keep troops in this country for the next five to ten years -- give us greater support, give us greater technical help, give us greater educational possibilities for the public. I think there is a lot that can be done. We have to work imaginatively. It will require resources, but I think you, the people in these countries, have to demand these resources to create a normally functioning society.

Q: Finally, is it -- will at the end the policy of the international community be clear -- not only as regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina but all the Balkans? We see the contradiction in interests between Europe, the U.S. and Russia.

MR. BUGAJSKI: I would say the biggest contradiction is between the Atlantic alliance, including West Europe and North America, the United States and Canada, and the Russians. There are a lot of let's say Russian interests, particularly in the Balkans, which do not match those of the Europeans or those of the Americans. It's not to say we can't work with the Russians on certain questions, but I still think Moscow sees its role in the Balkans as much greater than I think a lot of the people in the Balkans would wish.
     The contradictions between the Americans and the Europeans I would say aren't as great. There are differences of emphases on how to handle crises. I think this is what we have seen particularly in the case of Bosnia and even in the case of Kosovo -- in other words, whether to apply force, whether to use NATO, whether to work through the United Nations. I think these are the bigger questions.
     I think in terms of the Europeans, of course, they have much more preoccupation than the Americans do with their own unification process -- in other words the monetary union, the inclusion of new members in the organization. This is a very complex and very costly process that the Europeans have undertaken. But I think the far-sighted leaders in Western Europe do understand that all these countries eventually have to be included in a greater Europe or a unified Europe. So I don't think the contradictions really over longer-term objectives -- it's really over strategies, time-tables, how to and if to use force in certain situations -- those are where we see most of the problems. And unfortunately they have been capitalized on by people like Milosevic to preserve his power and to extend his power.

Q: What can we expect for the future of the Balkans?

MR. BUGAJSKI: A big question. It depends how far into the future you are looking. In the short term I am very pessimistic, particularly as far as the situation in Kosovo goes and the situation in Serbia and Montenegro. I believe that unless and until Mr. Milosevic is removed from power we will have continuing instability in Yugoslavia. I am much more optimistic in parts of the Eastern Balkans -- in other words particularly with the new Bulgarian government and the new Romanian government, even though they have difficulties -- I don't want to paint too rosy a picture -- but I think the commitment to reform is there.
     The situation is somewhere in between I would say in Bosnia. [About] Croatia I am optimistic in the longer term, in the post-Tudjman era.
     Looking at it, let's say, in five to ten years I'm much more optimistic. I think once the Central European countries are integrated, or "digested," if you like, in Europe and NATO, then the turn will come of the Southeast European states. But a lot of preparation, a lot of work has to be done in the interim.

MS. BUTTS: Let's take a call now from OBN.

Q: Mr. Bugajski said that we have to say what we need to from this region. I consider the international community spent too much energy and concentration resolving exclusively political systems. In the meantime, in the last three years, after since Dayton, this political -- the political process was resolved at different levels by people who were in the war here -- by the authorities that functioned during the war. At that time the young people who were leaving Bosnia because there is no employment -- how much is the question of the economy crucial to the development of democracy? What can the international community do as regards to this question? A lot of people here are well educated, they are on the Internet, but they do not have the conditions in their own country. How can we hope to create a democratic process if we are letting our best scholars leave the country?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Excellent question. I think economic reform and economic investment is absolutely essential for the future of Bosnia and other countries in the region. But I wouldn't divorce that from the political process. The conditions have to be there in which business can operate, in which people can set up companies and in which people can move freely, can trade. I mean, business means free movement -- it means free movement of people and information and capital and labor. And, unfortunately, you don't have that situation yet fully developed in Bosnia. But ultimately, yes, I think a middle class has to be created in these countries -- something that the communists destroyed as we know, and something that the nationalists have thwarted or kept to themselves. I think the process of economic development has to involve broader sectors of the population. I mean, business training for young people I think is essential. I think there is a lot of potentially very good, very productive entrepreneurs in Bosnia that need to be helped. This too would then encourage Bosnians to come home.
     There's one other danger that I see though. We talked earlier about the protectorate question. The question of dependency on the international community -- Bosnia also has to wean itself away from dependence on foreign organizations -- on NATO. It has to generate its own economy, its own indigenous economy. Bosnia has a lot to offer. There are some industries, and new industries can develop. You mentioned increasing numbers of people aware of high tech, of computerization, of the Internet. A lot can be done on this score I think, which would then encourage people to come home.
     I don't have a magic wand on how this can be accomplished, but I think you are absolutely right for a political system to be democratic you need a middle class and you need an entrepreneurial middle class, and this is something again I don't think we have done enough to develop in Bosnia.

Q: (Inaudible) -- discuss the economic factor as a condition for democratization not only of Bosnia but all of the Balkans. However, we have got two problems in these countries, and that's the return of refugees -- both from the Diaspora, and the return of the displaced people. But we don't have a unified judicial system that will deal with this. Why is there no more involvement on the part of the international community as regards this issue?

MR. BUGAJSKI: Again a good question. I completely agree with you. I think there has to be more involvement in creating a unified legal system. But I think even above that there has to be the possibility for refugees to be able to return -- not just return to their homes, but be able to rebuild their lives, be able to establish businesses, to gain employment, to feel secure. You need a good security system, you need a good judicial system, but you also need a productive economic system, or the development of an economic system which can offer jobs, which can offer possibilities for the returning refugees.
     I personally think we haven't done enough -- or let's say we have been too slow over the past three years in assuring the return of those people who want to return to their homes. In some cases, of course, it's not going to be possible. In some cases people have moved, I would say, more or less permanently -- settled in new areas. These, too, have to be developed. I know various schemes have been started to try and develop businesses, to try and help those municipalities, particularly which allow for the return of refugees. I wish this was done sooner and on a much larger scale, and I wish there was more effective punishment for those that prevent the return of refugees.
     So I mean I agree with you. These are one of the many problems that Bosnia faces and will continue to face, I think, over the next few years without greater international involvement. But there's a danger, as we said earlier, that Bosnia could become a protectorate. So it's trying to find a balance between pushing towards a democratic pluralistic system, but not being so much in control of the situation that the Bosnians cannot decide for themselves.

Q: You suggested that we tell you how to help us. Maybe NGOs that are currently in Bosnia should give us the benefit of their experience, their information, and also pass that information to the business community -- find out what the best ways are to invest here. Many people from the West or from the Western media were in Bosnia, and they have discussed their topics at universities and various other settings. Could the NGOs located in pass this -- pass their experience? I believe this will help us a great deal in establishing an economy.

MS. BUTTS: We talked about that earlier.

MR. BUGAJSKI: I completely agree with you. You've reiterated one of the basic points I have been making, and I think this is essential. And it has to be done over the next few years, and I think there is the potential in the NGO community, the international NGO community, to give more substantial let's say training and expertise and the education -- the information.

Q: Mr. Bugajski, do you intend to visit Sarajevo soon? And I would like to extend to you an invitation to do so.

MR. BUGAJSKI: Thank you very much. I wish I could get on the next plane. Sooner or later I will be back in Sarajevo. I have been dealing a lot recently with the crisis in Kosovo, as well as with other situations in the Balkans, but Sarajevo is one of my favorite towns in the Balkans, and I definitely want to come back soon.

MS. BUTTS: Well, I am afraid we have to end our discussion there. I would like to thank my guest, Janusz Bugajski, for joining me -- a very, very good discussion -- thank you so much.

MR. BUGAJSKI: Thank you very much -- thank you.

MS. BUTTS: I'd also like to thank all of you who watched and participated in our program today. In Washington, I'm Diane Butts for "Washington Window."

(End transcript)

ABDUCTIONS OF ETHNIC SERBS BY THE KLA

The precise number of people held by the KLA is difficult to determine since the KLA does not provide public information on those in its custody, and a number of people have been held hostage and then released. Estimates of human rights and humanitarian organizations working on the ground range from one hundred to 140. According to the International Committee for the Red Cross, 138 ethnic Serbs are believed to have been taken by the KLA.

The Humanitarian Law Center, which has been monitoring detentions and abductions by the police and the KLA, has documented 103 ethnic Serbs who were unaccounted for as of August 1998, thirty-nine of whom were last seen in KLA custody. The center also documented the cases of three ethnic Albanians abducted by the KLA, ostensibly because they were considered “collaborators” with the Yugoslav government, whose whereabouts are currently unknown.

According to a statement from the Yugoslav Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued on August 31, 1998, Albanian “terrorists” had abducted 178 individuals in Kosovo, including 128 ethnic Serbs and Montenegrins, forty-two ethnic Albanians, and six ethnic Roma. Out of this group, thirty-nine were released, seven escaped, and sixteen had been killed, leaving 114 people still in KLA detention.

Below are some specific cases:

Abductions in Orahovac

On July 19, the KLA began its first major attack on a larger city: Orahovac. An estimated eighty-five ethnic Serbs were taken into custody by the KLA, although thirty-five of them were subsequently released. As of August 1998, at least forty people were still unaccounted for.

During the attack, approximately thirty elderly Serbs took shelter in the Monastery of Saints Cosmas and Damian in Zociste village together with seven monks and one nun. According to the Serbian Orthodox Church, the monastery was attacked for forty-five minutes with light artillery and machine guns and the guest house was damaged by two grenades. Everyone inside the monastery was taken to a school in nearby Semetište.

According to the ICRC and numerous media sources, the KLA handed thirty-five of these people over to the ICRC unharmed on July 22, including the seven Orthodox monks, one nun and twenty-five elderly people. According to the Humanitarian Law Center, another ten people detained in the Orahovac offensive were released on the night of July 29-30, including Slavka, Snezana, and Ninoslav Baljoševic.

The fate of an estimated forty other people taken from the Orahovac area, however, remains unknown. They include: Tomislav Baljoševic and his son Saša, Duško Dolasevic, Srdjan and Srecko Vitosevic, Djordje Djoric, Duško Djonovic, Sinisa Lukic, Veselin Lazic, Dusko Patranogic, Predrag Djurdjic, Jovan Vasic and Rajko Nikolic, plus five members of the Bozanic family: Mladen, Nemanja, Tihomir, Novica and Boško, and eight members of the Kostic family: Lazar, Todor, Saska, Miroljub, Vekoslav, Srecko, Svetomir, and Vitko. There are also reports of seventeen other people abducted by the KLA from the village of Retimlje near Orahovac.

Jovan Lukic

According to Tanjug and the Humanitarian Law Center, Jovan Lukic was detained by a group of armed Albanians while driving near Orahovac. Tanjug reported that Lukic was detained on July 19 along with Veselin Lazic, but the center mentions only Lukic being detained on July 17.

Lukic told the center that he was held in Mališevo with a group of prisoners, including Srdjan and Srecko Vitoševic, a Roma man named Azem with his wife and daughter, a man named Duško from Orahovac, a man named Toma and his son, two doctors from Orahovac, and a doctor from Velika Hoca. The male detainees, he said, were taken out in small groups by a van that returned empty. Lukic was eventually taken in the van with some others, their hands tied, to a place in the woods. He succeeded in freeing his hands, however, and after struggling with one of the armed Albanians, managed to escape. He told the center that he does not know what happened to the other prisoners.

Ratko and Branko Staletic

The police found the bodies of Ratko Staletic and his son Branko on July 30 near Orlate village on the Priština-Pec road, according to the Humanitarian Law Center. The two residents of Mlecane village had reportedly been taken by ethnic Albanians in military uniforms on June 20, 1998.

Vojko and Ivan Bakrac

Vojko and Ivan Bakrac, two ethnic Serb refugees from Croatia, and two other ethnic Serbs were taken off a bus on the Prizren-Štimlje road by armed ethnic Albanians on June 29. Vojko and Ivan Bakrac were on their way to the UNHCR offices in Priština, because they had been accepted in a United States resettlement program for ethnic Serb refugees in Kosovo. According to the Humanitarian Law Center, they were released on July 8 or 9, although the two other Serbs, whose identities are unknown, remain unaccounted for.

Ten Employees of the Belacavac Mine

On June 22, the KLA took control of the Belacavac mine, a large coal mine near the town of Obilic. The police recaptured the mine a few days later. The KLA reportedly captured nine ethnic Serbs in Obilic on July 22 as they were on their way to work at the mine; they were Dušan Andjancic, Pero Andjancic, Zoran Andjancic, Mirko Buha, Filip Gojkovic, Bozidar Lempic, Srboljub Savic, Mirko Trifunovic and Dragan Vukmirovic. None of them has been heard from since. The Times of London cites a senior Serbian policeman as saying that negotiations between the police and the KLA over the nine workers had “broken down” before the police retook control of the mine. A local miner, Nebojsa Jankovic was reportedly told that his nine colleagues had been “executed,” but this could not be confirmed.

Oliver Zalic

On June 22, the New York Times reported the death of Oliver Zalic, an ethnic Serb from Bica village who, according to his family, was killed by ethnic Albanians in front of his house while defending his sister and mother.

Milosav, Sultana, Radomir, Aleksandra, and Dostana Šmigic

By May 1998, most ethnic Serbs in Leocina had left their homes after threats from local Albanians. Five members of the Šmigic family, however, four of them over seventy years old, decided not to leave their village. One of them, Krstiva Šmigic, told the Humanitarian Law Center that ethnic Albanians in military uniforms entered their yard around 10 a.m. on July 9. She managed to escape but Milosav (75), Sultana (72), Radomir (54), Aleksandra (c. 75), and Dostana (42) have not been heard from since:

Us three women [Sultana, Aleksandra and Dostana] left the house and went into the fields. After a while, Sultana and Lenka said they wanted to go back. Sultana went to her husband, and me and Lenka went back to her house, to Radomir. But about thirty of them [ethnic Albanians] were going into the yard and, when they saw us, they came toward us. They were armed, some in uniform and some in civilian clothes. Ten of them went into Radomir’s house. They found him upstairs. We heard screams and Lenka rushed upstairs. I stayed below. I heard terrible screams and moaning from above. I couldn’t bear it any more and went out again. I heard three rifle shots before I got into some high grass.

Krstiva said she saw Milosav’s house in flames from her hiding spot. After two days, she made it to the town of Rudnik, where she reported the incident to the police. On May 19, Krstiva Šmigic’s daughter, Dostana, went back to Leocina to get her mother and three relatives. She was then abducted, reportedly in Ozrim, and has not been heard from since.

Zivorad Spasic

Zivorad Spasic, a driver for the Mitrovica power plant, was last seen on May 10, 1998. His father, from a village near Obilic, asked the Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms and the Democratic League of Kosovo for help in finding his son.

Slobodan, Milica and Miloš Radoševic

Slobodan (64), Milica (59), and Miloš (60) Radoševic were the only ethnic Serbs to stay behind in Dašinovac village when the KLA took control on April 22. On September 16, the police announced that the bodies of Miloš and Slobodan Radoševic had been found in a canal that feeds into Lake Radonic near Glodjane.

According to the Humanitarian Law Center and Amnesty International, Rosa Radoševic tried to go back to Dašinovac the next day with her son Staniša to look for her husband Slobodan. They were stopped in Pozar village at a KLA checkpoint and taken to KLA headquarters in Glodjane, where Staniša was reportedly beaten.

Dara and Vukosava Vujoševic, Milka, and Milovan Vlahovic

According to both the Humanitarian Law Center and Amnesty International, most ethnic Serbs fled their homes in Gornji Ratiš on April 21 when the KLA took control of the village. Dara (69) and Vukosava (65) Vujoševic and Milka (62) and Milovan (60) Vlahovic decided to stay and their whereabouts are currently unknown.

-END-

NATO approves "the initial concept of operations"

BRUSSELS, - Reuters said that one week after NATO shelved its threat to launch air strikes, the situation in Kosova seems to be stabilising with no reports of significant fighting, a NATO official said on Wednesday.
     Establishment of the agreed mechanism for keeping a close eye on the situation -- on-the-ground observers, a NATO backup force to provide security for them, and a NATO air surveillance operation -- was still in its early stages.
     NATO Secretary General Javier Solana said it would probably be "around the end of the month" before a NATO "extraction force" was deployed, most likely in neighbouring Macedonia, to provide security for a planned mission by 2,000 unarmed foreign observers.
     "There are about 200 verifiers now arriving in Kosova, but I should point out that only about 50 percent of those are from the OSCE," the official said. The rest belong to the Kosova Diplomatic Observer Mission, which has been operating since midsummer and has recently been doubled in strength.
     The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) was handed the task of organising an on-the-ground verification mission by U.S. special envoy Richard Holbrooke, who brokered a deal with Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.
     Holbrooke asserted at the weekend that verifiers were "pouring into" Kosova to back up what Western governments acknowledge is a fragile arrangement which depends on sustaining the momentum of a peaceful settlement.
     As part of the accord with Belgrade, NATO is keeping watch on the situation from the air. The NATO official said a P-3 Orion U.S. Air Force plane carried out the first low-altitude flight on Tuesday, augmenting intelligence gleaned so far from satellite surveillance and U-2 high-altitude flights.
     "The synchronisation of the two (verification missions) is well in hand," the NATO official said.
     A third element of the plan to ensure no return to open conflict in Kosova while the West attempts to broker political negotiations was NATO's "extraction force" to rescue any observers who meet hostility or other dangers.
     NATO ambassadors on Wednesday approved "the initial concept of operations" and military experts would develop operational plans for approval probably next week, the official said.
     NATO foresaw "a reasonable sized force based close to Kosova. Neighbouring Macedonia, a member of NATO's Partnership for Peace programme, was a likely option for the location, and diplomats said France had offered to contribute about half of a 1,500 man force plus transport and support helicopters.

Seselj: Serbia spends up to two million marks a day on Kosova

      PRISHTINE, Nov 4 (ATA)-Serbia spends up to two million marks a day on Kosova, with the aim to hold Kosova in the framework of Serbia, said Vojislav Seselj, chairman of the Serb Radical Party and deputy chairman of the current government of Serbia, according to the Kosova Information Centre (KIC).
      In a statement for a local TV in Kraleve, Seselj said that the Yugoslav dinar continues to be stable although the state has spent too much.
      "The Serbian government spends more than one million and, at times, two million marks a day on Kosova," said Seselj denying emission of new money.
      Speaking for the OSCE observers in Kosova, Sesejl said that "we have reconciled ourselves with the presence of the OSCE observers in Kosova, but this came after our admission in this organisation."
/p.ta/lm/

International conference in Switzerland for refugees from Kosove

     PRISHTINE, Nov.4 (ata) - On November 20, Switzerland will hold an international conference for refugees from Kosove, to sensitize and make Europe side with this matter, reported Jean-Daniel Gerber, director of the Swiss Federal Office for Refugees.
      Gerber, said the Kosove Information Office, visited recently Prishtine in the lead of a delegation of the Federal Office for Refugees and the Agency for Development and Cooperation of Switzerland, and met with Kosove president, Ibrahim Rugova.
/p.ta/xh/

Elections in Kosova pave way for detachment, Koshtunica

      PRISHTINE, Nov.4 (ATA) - The elections in Kosova "pave the way for its division", voiced the chairman of the Serb Democratic Party, Vojisllav Koshtunica, in a press conference, said the International Center of Kosova.
      These elections "mean the registration of the population and the verification of the nationality of all persons living in Kosova territory," said Koshtunica, who also expressed his engagement for the changing of the of communes' borders in order to form a greater number of communes with a Serb majority population.
/P.Ta/A.A/

9.550 people displaced from Kosova getting immunizations

      DURRES, Nov.4 (ata) - By G Kabashi:
9 550 people who have come to Durres from Kosove to escape Serb repression are being vaccinated.
      The director of the department of district public health sector, Hider Koka, told ATA that for one week now the staff of the department of Hygiene and Epidemic and those of the health sector in communes have started immunizations for Kosova people for polio, diphtheria and tetanus. The vaccines are granted free of charge by WHO.
      About 1 100 children from of age 0-5 will get the vaccine of polio, while those above 15 years will receive complex vaccines. The process of immunizations is expected to be over by mid November.
/pas/xh/

PARIS, Nov 3 (AFP) - The arrest of a French "spy for Serbia" is only the latest, though probably most embarrassing episode, in a string of allegations that pro-Serbian sentiments run strong in France.
   Commenting on the arrest of a French officer accused of handing NATO secrets to Belgrade, the daily Liberation newspaper said: "This affair can only bolster the poor reputation of French troops serving in ex-Yugoslavia in the eyes of British and US intelligence."
   Army Major Pierre Bunel, a 46-year-old intelligence officer with 20 years of service, was arrested Saturday in Paris on suspicion of telling Serbs which targets the alliance would bomb if Serbian forces did not stop attacking civilians in Kosovo.
   Defence sources said he had been caught by members of France's own military intelligence service, the Defence Protection and Security Directorate (DPSD). The sources said he was placed under military arrest when members of the DPSD grew suspicious "of his behaviour".
   The sources gave no further details.
   Bunel, who served on the French delegation to the military committee of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in Brussels, In Belgrade, there was no official reaction to Bunel's arrest, though the official Tanjug news agency said the news had hit France "like a bombshell."
   Said by the armed forces to have a "brilliant" service record, Bunel has confessed to handing intelligence to the Serbs in October out of pure sympathy, with no payment or strings attached.
   He faces 15 years if convicted of "intelligence with a foreign power."
   "French diplomacy, which is still seeking to shore up its credibility in the Balkans, did not need an affair like this one, of espionage on behalf of the Serbs," Liberation added.
   France and Serbia have a legacy of friendship that dates back to World War 1, when the French navy hastened to the rescue of the remnants of the embattled Serb army under assault from Germany, and backed its revenge.
   And in the aftermath of the Second World War, when former French resistance fighters took the helm of government, Serbian resistance leaders were seen as fellow victors against Germany, traditional enemy of both countries.
   When the former Yugoslavia broke up in the early 1990s, President Francois Mitterrand was accused by many in France of pro-Serb sentiments for criticising Germany's quick and go-it-alone recognition of Croatia's self-proclaimed independence from Belgrade.
   Indeed much of the French bureaucracy believed, like President Slobodan Milosevic, that premature international recognition of the breakaway former Yugoslav republics had contributed to the eruption of war.
   French military leaders, like others among the allies, have confessed in private to feeling closer to the professional Serbian forces than to the rag-tag Croat or Bosnian armies opposing them.
   Before he ended his term in 1995, handing over to President Jacques Chirac, Mitterrand came under repeated criticism for favouring the Serbs at the expense of Bosnia's Moslems.
   France nonetheless under both Mitterrand and Chirac took a frontline position in the Balkans conflict, committing thousands of troops to help restore the peace.
   But suspicions lingered against France. In December 1995, French general Jean-Rene Bachelet, then in command of UN troops in Sarajevo, was brought home after criticising the just-concluded Dayton peace accord on the grounds it was tough on Serbian residents in Bosnia.
   Only last December an international row blew up when chief UN war crimes prosecutor Louise Arbour accused French peacekeepers in the NATO-led Stabilisation Force (SFOR) in Bosnia of doing nothing to apprehend Serb war crimes suspects.
   The French commanded the southeast sector of Bosnia that includes the Serb hardline stronghold Pale, home among others to the most prominent Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect, former Serb leader Radovan Karadzic.
   Then last April, another French officer, Major Herve Gourmelon, was accused in the US press of having prevented the capture of Karadzic, a claim denied by the French defence ministry.
   The ministry, however, admitted a French officer had ties which appeared to be "questionable" with wanted war criminals and immediately brought him home.

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